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3. The End of the World

Malcolm Bull Indiana University Press ePub

THE ADVENTIST BELIEF that the earth is in its last days comes largely from a series of prophecies in the book of Daniel. Originally interpreted by the Millerites, the starting point was Nebuchadnezzar’s statue in Daniel 2, which was thought to depict the global empires to appear on the world’s stage. The head was Nebuchadnezzar’s own kingdom of Babylon; the upper body represented Medo-Persia; the midriff, ancient Greece; the legs, the Roman empire; and the iron and clay toes, the nations of present-day Europe, before the stone representing Christ’s kingdom symbolically crushed the colossus and became the “great mountain” that took over the earth. The four beasts of Daniel 7 were believed to describe the same four empires, with the ten horns on the fourth beast symbolizing Europe, and the little horn that “came up among them,” the papacy at the start of its final phase.1

The most important prophecy, however, was the prediction in Daniel 8 which declared that at the end of 2,300 days the sanctuary would be “cleansed.”2 According to Miller, this time span began in 457 BC, the year when Artaxerxes, the Persian king, issued a decree to rebuild Jerusalem. It ended in 1843–1844 when the Second Advent would purify the sanctuary, which Miller took to be the earth. The expositor based his arithmetic on the convention that one day stands for one year in a time prophecy of this kind.3 It was simply by adding 2,300 years to 457 BC that he came up with his nineteenth-century dates for the Second Coming, when Christ would come “in the clouds of heaven, with all his saints and angels.”4 But this was only the start of a complex series of events.

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11 Sensorial Techniques of the Self: From the Jouissance of May ’68 to the Economy of the Delay

Daniel J Sherman Indiana University Press ePub



Without elevating the French revolts of May 1968 to the status of mythical events that can be neither captured nor repeated, it is apparent that their power to connote new forms of governance and subjectivization has not waned. Especially in the last decade, contemporary art practitioners, such as Olafur Eliasson, have harnessed the participatory, democratic discourse that surrounded the events of May 1968 as a way of invigorating the public to generate forms of subjectivization within art institutions. This ostensible repetition raises important questions about the afterlives of 1968 as a particular (yet plural) historical confluence of political circumstances, material practices, and representational and textual artifacts that still resonate in the contemporary imaginary. Indeed, if the last forty years have seen diverse recuperations and reproductions of May 1968 as a global seismic shift, the one I would like to excavate revolves around the intersection of phenomenological experience and the democratic opposition to government power within the French context. Articulated as a critical paradigm for collective organization by diverse voices during the ’68 revolts, this particular history becomes all the more pronounced through its novel iterations in aesthetic manifestations such as Olafur Eliasson’s The Weather Project at the beginning of the twenty-first century.1 At the crux of this essay is the presentation of a microhistory that asks how the modality of participation, considered both a political manifestation of and resistance to biopower, has gone through a radical transformation since the “long ’68” to become a conceptual platform for contemporary aesthetics. My main focus is the way in which the discourse of revolutionary “spontaneity” that characterized the French revolts has been modified into an insistence on the ethical experience of the “delay” in Eliasson’s installation. To crystallize the implications of this conceptual and temporal reformulation, it is imperative to understand how the body and visual apparatus of the “participant” have been envisaged and deployed in these two disparate moments and to what ends. Through such an analysis, we can assess the continuing valence of 1968 and confront the complex methodological problems that come with evaluating such apparent paradigm repetitions.

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6. Pledging the Bride, the Bride-Show, and Marriage

Olga Semyonova Tian-Shanskaia Indiana University Press ePub

Once a young couple or the family of an eligible man decided to initiate an official proposal of marriage, one or more matchmakers had to be engaged to make the initial approaches to the family of the bride-to-be. Assuming everyone agreed, the pledging was then followed by a bride-show, and finally the official church marriage ceremony. Some scholars believe that the betrothal (or the betrothal and bride-show together) represented the pre-Christian rites, and these rites sealed the marriage from the peasant point of view (“the wine is drunk”), for the couple at that point could begin sexual relations. This view strikes me as romanticized, for the essence of the bargain was the transfer of the bride to a new household, and this did not occur until after the church ceremony. The marriage bond clearly required all three steps in order to enjoy the sanction of the village community.

Semyonova’s account raises some additional difficulties in this regard, because of the stress the older generation, at least, appears to have placed on the bride’s virginity. Remarks in this chapter and elsewhere in this study make clear that young people no longer seemed to attach a high value to premarital celibacy.

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CHAPTER 4: Invoking the Mulier Fortis: The Confraternity of the Rosary

Getz, Christine Indiana University Press PDF

Chapter 4


Invoking the Mulier Fortis

The Confraternity of the Rosary

Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee

—Luke 1:28

For inhabitants of Post-Tridentine Italy, no instrument associated with the Blessed Virgin possessed more spiritual force than the Rosary. Also commonly known as the corona or garland, the Rosary was the primary means of accessing the intercessory power of Mary as Mulier

Fortis, the virtuous woman who crushed the head of the proverbial serpent.1 Praying the Rosary while meditating upon its fifteen mysteries allowed the devoted communicant to realize the miraculous potential of the Virgin’s influence and demonstrate its use in overcoming the ills of the world, and the activity was encouraged through the publication of Rosary books that described various techniques of praying the Rosary, as well as through volumes that recounted the numerous legends that had developed in connection with them. Bernardo Giunti’s

1587 Miracoli della sacratissima Vergine [Maria . . . del santissimo

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7 Pioneer Government and Politics

James H. Madison Indiana University Press ePub

FEW PIONEERS MOVED WEST TO ESCAPE GOVERNMENT. MOST wanted government to protect them, their property, and their freedom, just as Indiana’s Constitution of 1816 so nobly promised. While settlers often depended proudly on their own hard work and their own family resources, they expected government to contribute to the general welfare. Hoosiers disagreed on how government should go about achieving those ends. Political differences boiled forth to create a new party system that for over a century would be among the nation’s most combative.

From the pioneers’ perspective, Native Americans had been a problem since the first settlers gazed longingly across the Ohio River. William Darby’s The Emigrant’s Guide to the Western and Southwestern States and Territories, published in New York in 1812, extolled the richness of Indiana’s soil. But, Darby noted, “near two-thirds of its territorial surface is yet in the hands of the Indians, a temporary evil, that a short time will remedy.”1 Hoosiers demanded that their government address this “temporary evil” by removing Indians from the rich soil. Native Americans were unable to resist. The Battle of Tippecanoe and the War of 1812 left Tecumseh’s vision of an Indian confederation shattered and the military strength of the remaining tribes inconsequential. The federal government withdrew its troops from Fort Wayne in 1819, and local militias soon became more important for social and political purposes than for defense. There was one last fear of Indian attack during the Black Hawk War of 1832. That episode enabled glory-seeking militiamen to march off in search of the enemy, only to have their Illinois counterparts annihilate Black Hawk’s weak band long before it threatened Indiana.2 It was Indians, not whites, who required protection.

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