219 Chapters
Medium 9780253346988

4. The Invisible Pass

Abraham Aamidor Indiana University Press ePub

The Great Depression spelled doom for some, opportunity for others. For Chuck Taylor, it was the time of his life. Marquis Converse had lost his company in 1928 after it went into receivership. The company’s failure was linked to an ill-fated effort to market an automobile tire, the “Converse Cord,” which had high production costs, a high failure rate, and many returns from local dealers.

Mitchell B. Kaufman, president and owner of the Hodgman Rubber Co. in Framingham, Massachusetts, bought the firm in 1929, but he sold it to the Stone family—Joseph, Harry K., and Dewey D. Stone—in 1933. The Stone family ran the business for the next thirty-nine years, but in spirit, and in the public’s mind, it was to be Chuck Taylor’s company from then on.

Chuck’s secret was in sales and promotion. Years of touring with the Converse All-Stars basketball squad, making “special appearances” on local hoops teams and glad-handing customers in small-town sporting goods stores, plus his growing number of basketball clinics, were making Chuck a celebrity, albeit a faux celebrity. Converse revamped everything beginning in 1932 to revolve around their new star. The annual Converse Basketball Yearbook, begun in 1922 and enlarged and expanded in 1929, soon began promoting Chuck’s clinics, complete with endorsements from top coaches of the day. Beginning in 1932, Chuck’s name was added to the ankle patch of the All Star shoe for the first time. His well-regarded College All-American picks began that year as well, next to a smiling mug shot that was to become a signature piece over the years. As if to an increasing drumbeat, Chuck was exclusively touted as a veteran of the great pre–modern era basketball teams, as well as an authority who personally knew the top coaches and best players across the country.

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Medium 9780253008589

Ncaa Tournament: Indiana VS. VCU, 3-17-12 (63-61)

The Herald-Times Indiana University Press ePub

Indiana Hoosiers forward Will Sheehey (10) celebrates the Hoosier win during the Indiana Virginia Commonwealth 2012 NCAA Men’s Basketball third round game at the Rose Garden in Portland, Ore., Saturday, March 17, 2012.

By Dustin Dopirak

Will Sheehey grabbed the ball on the left baseline after Victor Oladipo’s shot was blocked and flashed an involuntary smile, because he knew.

It mattered not that the sophomore swingman was in perhaps the biggest pressure situation of his basketball career, or that the shot he was about to take could be the one that either continued Indiana’s magical 2011-12 season with a dramatic late comeback or led to its eventual end. When he gets that look, that wide open, it goes in. Every time.

“Will’s mid-range is almost automatic,” Oladipo said. “When he shot it, I knew it was going in as soon as it left his hands.”

It did, and then on the other end, Virginia Commonwealth guard Rob Brandenberg’s 3-pointer for the win hit off the front of the rim — and after hanging above it for a perceived eternity — fell over the back end to give the No. 4 Hoosiers a breathtaking 63-61 NCAA Tournament victory over the No. 12 seed Rams, a berth in the Sweet 16 and a rematch with No. 1 Kentucky.

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Medium 9781574414615

Injuries I Have Known

Ron Tatum University of North Texas Press ePub

Injuries I Have Known

Injuries, and threats of injuries, are constant sources of fascination to a shoer. In the old days, horseshoers had a hard time getting life or medical insurance, so great was the risk of working with ill-mannered horses. Perhaps those old shoers had more macho pride or needed the money, but nowadays many horseshoers refuse to work with unmanageable horses. There are all kinds of restraining tricks and devices, but because these can prove dangerous to both the horse and the shoer, the best response is to tell the owner to get the horse some manners and then call. As one rusty old shoer told me, “I’m a horseshoer, not a horse trainer.” If horseshoers practice this attitude enough, word will get out to horse owners that it is their responsibility to train the horse to stand quietly during a shoeing. That way no one gets hurt.

The best time to start the horse’s training, of course, is shortly after birth. It’s easy to pick up a foal’s feet every day until it’s no longer traumatic. I always suggest owners increase the noise and the fuss around the baby so it gets used to it. You can even tap the foot gently with a hammer—anything to get baby used to someone messing with the feet. If this is done with consistency, she should stand nicely for her first trim. After all this training, if she doesn’t stand quietly, the owner might want to take a closer look at the shoer. Like children, horses sense fear, anger, and other emotions in people, and like children, they may try to get away from the source.

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A Wyoming Cowboy

Ron Tatum University of North Texas Press ePub

A Wyoming Cowboy

Recalcitrant horses can be tricked, outsmarted, manhandled, pushed, and shoved, but there is another way: listening to them.

All horseshoers talk to horses, but few horseshoers listen to what the horses have to say in return. One of those who listens is a tough old cowboy named Larry Swingle. At the time I knew him, he had spent twenty years as a horseshoer, during which time he began to study horse musculature and everything else he could find out about horses. He was friends with the right people so he had access to the bodies of dead horses, which he cut open and studied as closely as a first-year medical student working on a cadaver. He learned just about all there was to know about horse anatomy . . . more than the average veterinarian learned in school. During this process, he discovered that he could also communicate with horses. He could understand them. Eventually, he possessed the extraordinary ability to recognize a horse’s physical abnormalities, and the equally extraordinary ability to communicate directly with the horse. Over a period of one year, I was a personal witness to these abilities.

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Medium 9780253002952

10 Decolonial Border Queers: Case Studies of Chicana/o Lesbians, Gay Men, and Transgender Folks in El Paso / Juárez

ARTURO J ALDAMA Indiana University Press ePub

EMMA PÉREZ

. . . but I don’t consider myself gay, not because I think, that “ugh!” you know, it’s because I see me and I see a gay male right here, and then I see [a] heterosexual male on the other side, you know what I mean, and I’m like, in the middle . . .

ORAL INTERVIEW WITH TRANSGENDER COCA SAPIEN (2001)

How do queers in the US-México cities of El Paso and Juárez “recognize themselves as subjects of a sexuality,” and what “fields of knowledge” and types of normativity have led Chicana/o lesbians, gay men, and transgender folks to experience a particular subjectivity?1 I want to consider this specific, historical, political border to argue that for these border queers of color, the particular fields of knowledge that make up their sexuality constitute an epistemology of coloniality. More importantly, queers in El Paso and Juárez must engage and perform decolonial practices to survive the colonial landscape.

When I began my study of queer Chicanas/os and Mexicanas/os in a region that was my home for fourteen years, I realized that questions outnumbered answers and that the twenty-four transcripts of oral interviews in my possession would only provide cursory insights into the lives of a few lesbians, gay men, bisexuals, and transgender folks in these geographic borderlands.2 My friend and former colleague at the University of Texas in El Paso, Gregory Ramos, conducted the oral interviews from 2000 to 2002 and subsequently wrote a poignant performance piece, “Border Voices,” inspired by the LGBTQ folks he interviewed. Of the twenty-five interviewees, seven were women, seventeen were men, and one was a transgender woman. Six of the seven women identified as Chicana, fronteriza, or Hispanic. One was white. Of the men, twelve identified as Chicano, Hispanic, or Mexicano; one was African American, one was Latino with parents from El Salvador, and three were white men.3 Overall, the majority of interviewees identified as Chicana/o, Mexican, or Hispanic. Those interviewed probably represent a cross-section of the predominantly Chicana/o and Mexican communities of El Paso, where seventy-eight percent of the population is of Mexican origin. Although some of the Chicano/a interviewees may have been born in Juárez or have family in Juárez, only one of the twenty-five said he was a Mexicano from Juárez. Although he lived in El Paso, his dual citizenship allowed his allegiance to México.4

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