4204 Slices
Medium 9781574412383

“The Unspoken Code of Chivalry Among Drag Racers”

Kenneth L. Untiedt, editor University of North Texas Press PDF

THE UNSPOKEN CODE OF CHIVALRY

AMONG DRAG RACERS by Gretchen Lutz

At a typical race among “outlaw” pro mod drag racers, spectators see relentless competition among perennial rivals. During warm weather months, fans gather at local drag strips to see the show put on by Texas Outlaw Racing, an organization of pro mod racers. To the observer, it appears that a racer is single-minded in his or her need to beat the car in the other lane. And that is true. But that is not the whole truth. What the fan does not see is how the racers interact with one another before and after that four-second-pass down the track. Until the moment the tree goes to green, the typical pro mod racer will do anything he can to make a fellow racer’s car go faster. An unspoken code of chivalry informs the way racers behave toward one another, creating an enigmatic, even genteel brotherhood that the unrestrained speed, power, and dazzle of the sport belie.

To the spectators, the pro mods are indeed outlaw racers, not being restricted by the rules imposed on bracket racers or even on the pro stocks. Pro mods can run with nitrous oxide, with blowers, with extreme scoops, or with outrageous wings, the functional features exaggerated by flamboyant paint jobs. With only the restrictions for safety and the requirement that the cars be “door slammers”—that is to say, have two doors—anything else goes.

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Medium 9780253020659

3 Southward Road Narratives: How French Citizens Become Clandestine Immigrants in Algeria

Hakim Abderrezak Indiana University Press ePub

SOCIOLOGIST ZYGMUNT BAUMAN explains that globalization is about its effects on us versus our goals: “‘Globalization’ is not about what we all, or at least the most resourceful and enterprising among us, wish or hope to do. It is about what is happening to us all.”1 Thus, as the common vision goes, a distinction between rich countries and less rich ones has been made, encapsulated in the appellations global North and global South. The effects of globalization unfold in the daily lives of people in these two spaces. At the intersection of the pressures of the local and the global, the term glocal has been proposed to describe the connections and relationships between various types of local and global businesses, organizations, and processes. This term, coined by Roland Robertson in Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture, is often used to refer to local ways of dealing with globalized practices and products. The glocal should not be understood in simple terms and binary divides, such as a glocal North and a glocal South but rather as a multifaceted process with numerous effects within these two regions.

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Medium 9780253009524

2. Guising, Transformation, Recognition, and Possibility

Joyce Burkhalter Flueckiger Indiana University Press ePub

GUISING, TRANSFORMATION,
RECOGNITION, AND
POSSIBILITY

2

While stri vesham is the most notorious feature of Tirupati’s Gangamma jatara, guising also appears in less dramatic forms, including turmeric (pasupu) application on the faces of the goddess herself and her female worshippers. When I attempted to confirm with a group of women in Tatayyagunta temple courtyard that women did not take vesham, one of them vehemently disagreed, saying, “But we do; we put on pasupu, don’t we?” This comment led me to understand, analytically, the pasupu application on the goddess as vesham—that is, as a covering/guise/disguise of the body. In the analysis that follows, I have also included instances of the goddess coming to the human world in forms in which she is not recognized—a context in which the human body itself serves as vesham, “taken on” to serve as a disguise. Specialist and lay male stri veshams, female pasupu vesham, and Gangamma’s human form and pasupu-covered dark stone heads create a repertoire of guising whose manifestations inform and frame each other; through this repertoire, we can begin to understand the potential creativity of jatara veshams.

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Medium 9781607321736

THREE Production and Consumption in the Countryside

John G. Douglas University Press of Colorado ePub

A Case Study from the Late Classic Maya Rural
Commoner Households at Copán, Honduras

NANCY GONLIN

Producer households are the backbone of agrarian societies and make up the bulk of the domestic economy, an observation that holds through time and space.1 Anthropologists routinely investigate the nature of production, its organization, what goods or services are produced and by whom, and whether the domestic income is supplemented with extra-household production. These questions reflect a cross-cultural interest in what Hirth (2009b) calls “housework” and can be answered in both archaeological and ethnographic contexts (e.g., Robin 2003; Wilk 1991). The perspective of household archaeology offers a way to explore these issues through the material expressions of cultural practices.

This chapter presents an archaeological case study drawing from eight “Type 1” sites2 (Gonlin 1993, 1994, 1996; Webster and Gonlin 1988) that were inhabited by Maya people who lived in the hinterland of the Copán kingdom during the Late Classic period (AD 650–900) (Figure 3.1). Most, but not all, people who lived in rural areas of Classic Maya polities were commoners (Lohse and Valdez 2004), as reflected in the particular material signature seen throughout Mesoamerica (e.g., small, simple structures; utilitarian artifacts; lack of hieroglyphics; and lack of elaborate burials; see Lohse and Gonlin 2007 for a discussion of the commoner concept in Mesoamerica). While it is presumed that farming was the primary occupation of rural commoners, a wide variety of activities took place, some of which have been traditionally assigned exclusively to elites.

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Medium 9780253016713

2 The Bridled “Bride of Palestine”: Urban Orientalism and the Zionist Quest for Place

Daniel Monterescu Indiana University Press ePub

Above the mosques the moon is rising

Above your house the neon lights are lit

And again the jasmine bush gives its scent

And again we’re here by the clock tower

And again a girl without “why” or “how come”

My hands are holding yours

There’s something strange and unknown

Something wonderful about this town

The seagulls flew from the dock

The sea has gone silent

This is Jaffa, girl, this is Jaffa

That penetrates the blood like wine.

YOSSI GAMZU, “This Is Jaffa”

The gentrified city is a cultural space of unyielding desire for the quality of life lost in the metropolitan chaos or in the emptiness of suburban sprawl. Imagining a new authentic lifestyle in the erstwhile disinvested yet quaint “inner city” is bound to cause considerable adaptation pains for the individual(ist) newcomer, but these are often overshadowed by the promise of a new enabling environment—a horizon of creative possibilities for the “new middle class.” In cities like Jaffa, located at the periphery of the metropolitan center, gentrification bridges the anonymous functionality of the big city and the communal intimacy of the neighborhood. Seen as a convoluted shell of negation and passion, alienation and purpose, the cultural problem of gentrification echoes early formulations of the modern city as a site of “bitter hatred” as well as the seat for urbanites’ “most unsatisfied yearnings” (Simmel [1903] 1950, 420).

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