3469 Chapters
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Medium 9780253018069

2 Sex Trafficking Films, or Taken for a Ride

Siegel, Carol Indiana University Press ePub

A PROMINENT PLACE IN cinema studies is afforded to interviews with directors about how their life experiences inform their films. Similarly, feminist studies traditionally has relied on personal experience and observation to challenge traditional, patriarchal representations of gender. But for some feminist theorists this approach has become outdated. In Becoming Undone, Elizabeth Grosz argues that the authority of experience, with its reliance on “the personal, the anecdotal, the narrational, while important for a long period of feminism’s existence,” should now be left behind as we move on to more pressing concerns about subjectivity and representation (84). This seems premature. I see this approach as similar to the “power without responsibility for it” that Paul Hamilton attributes to Iago, who “when asked for his own story, the teller of everyone else’s story remains silent,” a strategy of those who “colonize” the discourses of the subordinate (148–49). Refusal to look at the situation of speakers seems especially problematic in relation to feminist responses to and interventions into the representation of sexualities in visual media. Just as attending to stories about youthful desire and pleasure in sexual experience complicates majoritarian narratives that present sex at an early age as inevitably traumatic, first-person accounts of sex work often defy the liberal consensus that mass media promulgates about such work as inevitably miserable.

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Medium 9781574414769

Chapter 22: Kid Curry Captured

Mark T. Smokov University of North Texas Press ePub


Kid Curry Captured

Kid Curry continued to travel through the South, hiding out for a time in late November 1901 in the Unaka Mountains, a rugged region where western North Carolina’s border meets southeastern Tennessee. He was accompanied by a native of the area named Sam Adkins (or Atkins), who was wanted for murder in Texas. The two fugitives had become acquainted during the time Curry had been in Texas.1 Curry also spent some time in early December in Asheville, North Carolina, northeast of the Unakas. He was seen in the company of two men, Luther Brady and Jim Boley.2 All three of these men would figure importantly in Curry’s future during his sojourn in Knoxville, Tennessee.

On Monday, December 9, Curry arrived at the Southern Railway Station in Knoxville from Chattanooga, Tennessee. Two pieces of his baggage were to be sent later on Train No. 36, actually arriving on Thursday the 12th.3 By Tuesday he had checked into a room at the Central Hotel where he kept two grips, but he made his headquarters for the week at Ike Jones’ saloon (known as the Old Central Bar) in the red-light district called the Bowery. Going by the name William Wilson, he was soon seen in the company of two of the better-looking prostitutes in the Bowery, Mayme Edington and Lillian Sartin (or Sartain). He was especially fond of Lillian, spending the nights in her room upstairs over the bar at Ike’s place on Central Avenue and Commerce Street. He ate many of his meals at a nearby restaurant run by the wife of Edwin Jackson “Uncle Jack” Harrison.4

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Medium 9781574410815

Appendix I: Voudou in the Media

Rod Davis University of North Texas Press ePub



A representative sample of voudou accounts in the nineteenth-century New Orleans press easily shows the establishment, repetition and reinforcement of the negative cultural stereotype that has stuck with the religion. The stories usually appeared about the time of St. John’s Feast (June 24), a Catholic holiday also often said to have been used for voudou gatherings. In general the accounts involved a clandestine celebration in some swamp or backwood, about midnight, with wanton revelry, blood sacrifices, mumbo-jumbo singing and dancing, and were presided over by an eerie mammy or old man. The reporters were invariably white. Sensationalist and racist phrasings were commonplace, as was the creation of an atmosphere of murkiness and horror. It was as if the more bizarre and phantom-like the stories, the more likely was the audience—white, literate Orleanians—to believe them. I present here many of the accounts at length, not because of the sparkling nature of the reporting, but because each is a treasure chest of detail in the creation of what today we might call the “negative spin” on voudou mythology.

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Medium 9780253001238

2 Work and Encounters in Tourism

George Gmelch Indiana University Press ePub


The workers' narratives that comprise the bulk of this book relate to important issues in our understanding of tourism. This chapter strives to frame and provide context, beyond the mostly macrolevel issues dealt with in chapter 1, for the stories that follow.1

Tourism Work and Encounters with Guests

What makes the work of tourism distinctive from most jobs, and particularly interesting, is the frequent interaction its workers have with guests. Workers, who are mostly from modest educational and social backgrounds, intermingle with guests from distant lands and cultures who have widely different lifestyles and levels of income. What also makes the interaction unique, as Malcolm Crick (1989) notes, is that during the interaction one is at leisure while the other is at work. One has economic assets but little knowledge of the local culture, while the other has knowledge (cultural capital) but little money. One is usually white and the other usually black. One is from the First World and the other from the developing or Third World.

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Medium 9780253016713

Conclusion The City of the Forking Paths: Imagining the Futures of Binational Urbanism

Daniel Monterescu Indiana University Press ePub

This land is a traitor

and can’t be trusted.

This land doesn’t remember love.

This land is a whore

holding out a hand to the years,

as it manages a ballroom

on the barber pier. . . .

It laughs in every language

and bit by bit, with its hip,

feeds all who come to it.


A land that devours its inhabitants

And flows with milk and honey and blue skies

Sometimes itself stoops to plunder

The sheep of the poor.

NATAN YONATHAN, “A Song to the Land”

In the agonistic landscape of Israel/Palestine, no place has been more continuously inflected by the tension between intimate proximity and visceral violence than ethnically “mixed” towns. The immanent ambivalence of the binational encounter bespeaks the paradox of the copresence of political Others who are also immediate neighbors. This book has proposed a historical ethnography of binational urbanism by scrutinizing sites of daily interaction and ongoing conflict in contested urban spaces since 1948. Recapturing the longue durée of ethnic mix in the Mediterranean, the Ottoman legacy of confessional sectarianism, and the enduring effect of British colonial rule, I have conceptualized the intricate relations between ethnicity, capital, and binational sociality in these cities and beyond.

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Medium 9781574415735

Pickled Beets

Joyce Gibson Roach University of North Texas Press PDF

Pickled Beets


Aunt Blossom Grimes told me how to pickle beets:

Go to the garden and pull up a bunch of beets, a bushel or half bushel; or, buy some in season from some farmer or farmer’s market. They’re awful high if you buy them, but they’re awful trouble if you pull up your own. Get ’em as small as possible, else you’ll have to cut ’em up into smaller pieces, but don’t do that until after you’ve cooked ’em.

Take ’em home, wash ’em good, and cut off the tops and bottoms. Put in plenty of water and put ’em on at a boil; then reduce the heat to high or medium high and cook for 45 minutes or so, until sticking a fork in ’em tells you they’re done.

Pour the beet water off into a big pot and let the beets get cool enough to handle. Then slide the skins off—they come off real easy.

Then put the beets in quart-size jars.

In the meantime, cook nearly to boiling but not quite, equal parts of vinegar, beet water, and sugar, although some say “sugar to taste.” Like this: 1 cup water, 1 cup vinegar, 1 cup sugar, or more. Oh, and put in pickling spices you can buy at the grocery.

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Medium 9780929398150

8. With quirt and spur

Joyce Gibson Roach University of North Texas Press PDF


With OWrt and &pur

he events of rodeo developed from the cowboy's life ofwork and play on the range. Women's rodeo events reflected range activities too, but only when they were the same jobs as the men performed. It was a real novelty to watch cowgirls doing cowboying. That is, for a time, exactly the purpose women served novelty.

Novelty or not, the kinds of events women entered did much to promote their image as heroines. The cowgirl was the frontierswoman riding by her man's side, spurring as he spurred, laughing at danger, roping and tying, and playing his games on bulls and broncs. The cattle needed tending, and the cowgirls mounted up with the rest of the outfit. Wild West shows and rodeos declared that it was so.

Nothing seemed to prove the cowgirl's worth more than the bronc-riding event because it was as dangerous as anything in rodeo, and it was breathtaking to watch. l Prior to 1925, and maybe even after that year in some places, broncs were snubbed right in the arena where the audience could see what was going on. Later, when the animals were confined to chutes, it was easier to give a score on the performance of horse and rider, but it took away some ofthe excitement ofwatching as the cowboys subdued the animal so the rider could mount. Women were allowed hobbles on their broncs: that is, a piece ofleather tied under the horse's belly from one stirrup to another. This prevented the women from spurring, but it helped them stay in the saddle. As in the men's event, the horse was given a score for how well he bucked, and the rider was given a score for how

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Medium 9780253357151

1. “Our Nation’s Authentic Traditions”: Law Reform and Controversies over the Common Good, 1999–2006

Dorothea E. Schulz Indiana University Press ePub

IN MARCH 2000 Malian national radio announced in daily news broadcasts that a family law reform proposal, prepared by legal specialists and representatives of civil society, was to be publicly discussed so as to ensure popular participation and support. The projected reform of the codification of family law (Code du Mariage et de la Tutelle [CMT]), the broadcasts explained, was part of PRODEJ (Promotion de la Démocratie et de la Justice au Mali), a project financed by a consortium of Western donors to improve the effectiveness and credibility of the judiciary, and to mend inconsistencies within the Malian legal code “in accordance with international standards.”1 The anticipated law reform generated vehement protest among Muslim religious authorities and activists who publicly condemned the government’s endorsement of the Beijing platform as an attack on women’s “traditional role and dignity” that ultimately threatened to undermine Mali’s authentic culture, one “rooted for centuries in the values of Islam.”2 Yet the main targets of these Muslim leaders’ wrath, and their main political adversaries, were women’s rights activists who, in broadcasts aired on local and national radio and tacitly supported by the Family and Women’s Ministry, dismissed their protest as an attempt by “conservative religious forces” to pave the way for reactionary influences from the Arabic-speaking world by mixing religion and politics. Clearly, behind obvious differences in ideological orientation, Muslim activists and their political opponents have several points in common. Speakers on each side acknowledge that the government’s decision to reform Mali’s legal and judicial system is the result of various international influences and support structures, on the one hand, and of local and national political processes, on the other. Agendas of Western donor organizations intersect and collide with the interests of sponsors from the Arabic-speaking world, but also with interest groups struggling to gain greater influence in the national political arena. Both parties also present women’s dignity, and their rights and duties, as essential to definitions of the common good and of membership in the political community.

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Medium 9781523097593

Chapter 1 Understanding the Problem

Jana, Tiffany; Mejias, Ashley Diaz Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Institutional or systemic bias is the phenomenon that exists when some groups maintain advantage over others within the context of a particular structure. Institutional bias is the result of interpersonal bias that has been institutionalized, or embedded within systems. Each of the biases enumerated in this book can operate at the interpersonal level and the institutional level. The examples of bias in this book are operating at the institutional level unless otherwise stated. The institutional biases that we will expand upon in this book include in the following order:

Occupational Bias An implicit bias that assigns fixed human or demographic attributes to a particular job or career.

Gender Bias An implicit bias that assigns fixed attributes by gender and/or privileges one gender over another.

Racial Bias An implicit preference of one race over another.

Hiring/Advancement Bias Any implicit preference that creates hiring and advancement opportunities that privilege one group over another.

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Medium 9780253006424

13. Bollywood and the Feminine: Hinduism and Images of Womanhood

PEG Z BRAND Indiana University Press ePub


A great deal of the impetus for contemporary commentary on Bollywood, its images, and its effects on Indian culture as a whole comes from a pervasive sense that the tropes of the Indian cinema (specifically, the Hindu cinema of the north) tell us much about India’s past and future. Indeed, new work on the Hindu cinema appears all the time—much of the more recent work engages the topic from many of the postmodern and poststructuralist points of view available to us, but it is also the case that even this commentary often cites historic images from South Asian art and architecture.1

In much recent film from India, Western-clad young women make regular appearances, and the naïve viewer might be forgiven for thinking that the images derived from history, mythology, and sacred literature, such as those based on the figure of Sita, the self-sacrificing ideal heroine of the Ramayana, are now irrelevant and forgotten. But a closer look at Bollywood’s products reveals that the aspects of the traditional culture that have often proven most problematic for women—the emphasis on motherhood, purity, and dress—are alive and well. Indeed, it might be argued, Bollywood today is more invested than ever in preserving the traditional views of women’s roles and their social place. Those who hope for progressive change will have to be careful viewers of the Bollywood product. It will be the task of this paper to delineate some of these constructs, and to try to untangle them with an eye toward their relevance to India’s history. Using approaches from art history, the history of Indian drama and dance, and film studies, I argue that no one reading or take on Bollywood is possible, with the corollary that commercial film production in India will not necessarily promote progressive social change for women. The variegated strand that constitutes the cinema may, however, yield change in some instances and is, in any case, open to multiple interpretations.

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Medium 9781936227068

9. Dreams Deferred

Davis, Belva Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

• • •

I can truthfully say that my first television appearances drew nothing but positive reviews; but in the interest of full disclosure, I’ll also say that the shows drew only one review. A Richmond Independent newspaper columnist, who watched me host a production of The Miss Bronze Showcase on KTVU, wrote that somebody should find someplace for me on television. In a burst of naive optimism, I bought up copies of that column and mailed it off to every TV station in the San Francisco Bay Area, daring to dream that someone would take the hint and hire me. I don’t know what I was thinking—to my knowledge there was not a solitary black woman in TV news.

But in the early 1960s, the aspirations of African Americans were taking flight like never before. We were inspired by a Baptist minister from Georgia with a firm faith in nonviolence and a devotion to equality. He had held aloft his own dream that someday all God’s children “will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, ‘Free at last, free at last, thank God Almighty, I’m free at last.’”

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Medium 9781574415735

Livestock Journal: Pig Report

Joyce Gibson Roach University of North Texas Press PDF

Livestock Journal:

Pig Report



As the saying goes, “I’m plumb tuckered out.”

I know you’re wondering how the goat milking turned out down at the Fort Worth Livestock Show and Rodeo. It was as I predicted—a rout! Let me tell you, we were the livestock, not the goats. They were tame and gentle—until we started running at them to get the milking done.

It was great fun, but there’s news about others from

Turtle who participated in the Stock Show. Homer Hale’s daughter, Arlene, won grand champion with her prize hog, Gordo. The only problem was that the meat packing plant was right there to haul Gordo away, and turn him into chops, ribs, and ham. When the price of victory became clear to Arlene, she announced that she would rather know the agony of defeat. She loaded up the porker and went home, leaving her prize money, banner, and official stock show photograph behind.

And you know, I don’t blame her. You can’t take care of an animal as it ought to be cared for and not get attached.

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Medium 9780253007438

9 · Composing Decomposition

Allen F. Roberts Indiana University Press ePub

Remembering is never a quiet act of introspection or retrospection. It is a painful remembering, a putting together of the dismembered past to make sense of the trauma of the present.


What funeral practices might have been undertaken had Lusinga met a natural—or at least a local—demise? While I would assert that Lusinga explicitly engaged in “culture-building” as he sought to validate his emerging authority through the commissioning of statuary and other visible and performative means, he was not doing so from whole cloth. Instead, he was adopting and adapting eastern Luba practices that were sufficiently resonant with Tabwa political culture as to be accepted locally. Such creative work included burial of chiefs.1

The archaeological record suggests how elaborate funeral rites could be for earlier peoples of the region, but archival materials concerning such matters as precolonial burial of chiefs are meager indeed, and Storms left the barest of notes that are not specific to any given chief, community, or moment in time.2 Most Tabwa with whom I worked in the 1970s knew very little of such procedures, and it is likely that a combination of secrecy, the inventive but discontinued maneuvers of ambitious individuals like Lusinga and Kansabala, and nearly a century of colonial intervention—especially by Catholic missionaries based at Mpala-Lubanda and Moba-Kirungu—mean that few details have been retained if they were ever widely known or generally practiced. Nothing resembling a “genealogy of performance” has been maintained or can be retrieved, then, and we have no glimpse of the inevitable “anxiety-inducing instability” of any given performance event when arguments about who does what and how are played out according to the particularities of local-level politics. As Victor Turner asserted, “There is no ‘authorized version’ of a given ritual” like a chief’s interment, and indeed, because of inexorably shifting social dynamics, “no performance . . . ever precisely resembles another.”3 Nor do available data permit an understanding of local variation in symbolism and broader purpose from one burial, village, chiefdom, clan, or ethnic difference to the next, to say nothing of the development of procedures across time. Surely there was variation, as one would expect among communities so loosely related to each other—if at all—as were Tabwa of the late nineteenth century. The archaeology of performance to be offered here will be a deductive quest, then, as stimulated by a most intriguing entry in the White Fathers’ Mpala Mission diary concerning the death and burial of Sultani Kansabala, Lusinga’s “mother’s brother.”

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Medium 9781574411560

The Jayhawkers

Edited by Campbell and Lynn Loughmiller University of North Texas Press PDF


he Big thicket was a good place to hide, and

Sam Houston had planned to hide his army there had he lost the battle of San Jacinto. Much later, people who didn't want to fight in the Civil

War hid there and became known as the jayhawkers. Bud Overstreet, ninety-five years old and alert as a deer, commented as follows:

"My daddy was Dan Overstreet and my mother was Sarah

Collins. Grandpa Warren Collins was one of those who wouldn't fight during the Civil War, was at the Kaiser Burnout. There was lots of them that layout. Old man Stace Collins, and Newt Collins, they was brothers; and Uge Cain and old man Jim Williford.

They was part of the jayhawkers. I know old man Cain and Jim

Williford, and I've seen Stace and Newt Collins.

"I've heard grandpa say it was a rich man's war and a poor man's fight. That's the reason they wouldn't fight; they didn't own nothin'. In my opinion it was the best thing in the world they freed the niggers. If they hadn't, all these sawmills where we made a livin' at, we'd been workin' as slaves for them, because the poor white people was just like slaves, too, no better off than the colored man."

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Medium 9780253017437

16 Theft and Evil in Asante

Foreword by David Parkin Edited by Will Indiana University Press ePub


In July 2002, I rode a taxi east from the town of Mampong toward a diviner’s village to interview him and his staff. The drive is along a dirt and clay road through two small towns before reaching Apiakrom, where the road then narrows off into the bush. The trip generally lasts about twenty-five minutes. On that day, I saw something unlike anything I have ever seen before. It was both strange and horrible. A young man around the age of twenty was running in the opposite direction of our taxi. He was completely naked and dripping with sweat; on his face was a look of absolute terror. It was not at all clear to me what the man had done and why he was running, but the answer came just minutes later. A crowd of roughly one dozen people then passed. Angered, and with a look of vengeance, they were carrying heavy clubs and farm implements. They were yelling and appeared to be in pursuit of the young man. Uncertain about what was unfolding, I asked the driver what was going on. His banal reply was short and entirely unalarmed: “That man is a thief. They will kill him.”

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