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Medium 9781574410815

11: Kindred Spirits, Lingering Foes

Rod Davis University of North Texas Press ePub

11

KINDRED SPIRITS, LINGERING FOES

I set up a temporary base in Meridian. Instead of constant driving, I thought I’d try a hub and spoke strategy. The small towns and rural roads of southeastern Mississippi teemed with spirits. As usual, I relied on hunches—the look of houses, the feel of the streets, the tone of the woods. The new strategy had its moments, but also, and far more often, frustrating clots of plodding tedium.

Walking up to total strangers with questions about voudou can be hell on your self-esteem. I’m glad my eyes weren’t cameras so I can forget some of the expressions. At one apartment complex I yelled up to two young women in tank tops and shorts on an upstairs balcony at dusk. I couldn’t tell if they thought I was flirting or just crazy. They didn’t know anything about hoodoo—surprise—but suggested I ask those two guys in muscle shirts just leaving in a late model Buick; they had an auntie who did. But the guys didn’t know anything either. What they had was pressing business that didn’t involve strangers.

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Medium 9780253349118

5. Weaving Saris

Pravina Shukla Indiana University Press ePub

BANARAS HAS BEEN A CENTER for the production of exquisite brocaded saris for centuries. The colloquial name used throughout India for these saris—the Banarasi sari—implies a continuous association of the beautiful saris with the city where most saris of the type are still made. Saris are woven in the Muslim neighborhoods of Banaras: handwoven in Madanpura and Sonarpura, and manufactured on power looms in Alaipura. Dalmandi, the other main Muslim neighborhood, is the market center for readymade clothes; saris are neither woven nor sold there.

A significant portion of the residents of Banaras are involved in the sari trade in one way or another. Thousands of men (and a smaller number of women) work as weavers, a few of them ranked as masters. Some weaving families have been involved in the trade for generations; others turn to it intermittently to earn extra cash. Kanhaiya Kevat, for example, a charismatic boatwallah we met on the Ganges, explained that besides rowing a boat—and working out at the local wrestler’s club, which is his favorite activity—he also weaves saris part-time. Many weavers are journeyman workers under the supervision of the families that have owned workshops for generations. These families of Muslim masters, who bear the surname Ansari, occasionally hire a few Hindu workers, such as Kanhaiya Kevat, who is not by caste a weaver.

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Medium 9781574414691

4. Traveling the Wrong Way Down Freedom’s Trail: Black Women and the Texas Revolution - Angela Boswell

Edited by Mary L. Scheer University of North Texas Press ePub

CHAPTER 4

Traveling the Wrong Way Down Freedom’s Trail

Black Women and the Texas Revolution

Angela Boswell

Spanish Texas was not a great place to be a woman of African descent. Black women in Texas suffered from social and legal constraints upon their freedom. Spanish society left a legacy of racism that relegated blacks to the lowest caste and allowed many to be held as property until the Mexican Revolution concluded in 1821. However, Spanish laws and then the Mexican Revolution held some opportunities for black women to gain their freedom and even rise in social and economic stature. However, the Texas Revolution, supposedly fought for freedom from tyranny, erased centuries of the promise of freedom for black women in Texas and fastened the legal and social distinction of slavery upon them much more firmly.

Africans and their descendants accompanied the Spanish from the earliest years of conquest of America both as free and as slave, and they continued to occupy an important place in the development of the Spanish colonies. In areas where labor demands were high, such as in Peru, the Spanish brought in hundreds of African slaves. However, the predominant labor force in most of Spanish America continued to be Native Americans who were not enslaved but treated as peasants who owed tribute to the conquering Europeans. Spanish authorities might have preferred three distinct classes—free Spaniards, Indian peasants, and African slaves—but what actually evolved was much more complicated. The paucity of Spanish women enticed many Spanish men to have liaisons with women of the other classes, and whether or not the liaisons were legally sanctioned through marriage, the children of such unions often were recognized. Additionally, Native Americans and Africans living and working in proximity often formed liaisons of their own, so that there emerged a complex caste system with full-blooded Spanish at the top, full-blooded Africans at the bottom, and gradations in between including full-blooded Indians, and mixed-blooded people of every group.1

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Medium 9781574416527

Chapter 8 - Outlaw vs. Outlaw (1954–1959)

Mitchel P. Roth University of North Texas Press ePub

“There are fewer and fewer real cowboys among the convicts.”

—Lee Simmons, 1956

DEEP in the shadow of rising juvenile crime rates, the Communist menace, the Korean War, and evangelical fervor sweeping the South, the 1950s witnessed a concerted effort by religious groups to end or change the day of the Sunday TPR. At the annual meeting of the Gonzales Baptist Association in 1952, a resolution was passed and sent to Governor Shivers, the Board of Prisons, and Superintendent of Huntsville State Penitentiary stating: “Be it further resolved: That we as a group of Baptists believing in the holiness and hallowness of the Lord's Day are utterly and definitely opposed to opening of the gates of the State Penitentiary at Huntsville, or any other prison grounds in the State of Texas, on the Lord's Day to admit the thousands of people to be entertained by public patronized amusements or any other form of sports.”1 This letter was far from the end of it.

In June a general contractor from Dallas named D.B. Lewis queried the governor, “I wonder if you would tell me what your attitude is toward the continuance of the Sunday Prison Rodeo which has been conducted for the past several years in Texas?” The letter writer invoked the usual comments about the sanctity of Sundays, but made it more clear who his wrath was directed toward, noting “Such things as the Sunday Prison Rodeo staged by some of our worse [sic] criminals only has a tendency to present such characters to our youth as heroes, when as a matter of fact they are not, [sic] should be stopped.” The contractor finished his screed noting how “Our better institutions of learning have refrained from staging their athletic events on the Lord's Day, and it is sincerely hoped that…our State will decide that there is more honor in keeping things honorable than the thought of a few paltry dollars from a Sunday Rodeo.”2

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Medium 9781574415322

Jerry B. Lincecum - “Jury Selection the Old-Fashioned Way”

Edited by Kenneth L. Untiedt University of North Texas Press PDF

JURY SELECTION THE

OLD-FASHIONED WAY by Jerry B. Lincecum

Anyone who has reported for jury service and made it to the voir dire phase may have wondered how attorneys decide whether to strike or accept potential jurors. With the literal meaning “to speak the truth,” the French phrase voir dire denotes the preliminary examination the court may make of potential jurors to determine competence or bias. Trial lawyers know that jury selection is an art, and today in publicized or important trials, highly trained consultants in jury selection are hired by opposing counsels. These modern day specialists are trained in social psychology, and they make a careful study of every person on the list of potential jurors. The purpose is to ascertain, as far as possible, how the lives of a potential juror might influence that person’s decision in a given case.

However, social psychology as a specific field of knowledge applicable to jury selection has been codified for only a few decades. How did “old school” Texas country lawyers handle jury selection back in the pre-WWII and mid-20th century era? This essay will address that question in two ways: (1) by making a case study of several thousand 3 ϫ 5 cards belonging to a Sherman,

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Medium 9780253355058

5 Qualitative GIS and Emergent Semantics

David J Bodenhamer Indiana University Press ePub

JOHN CORRIGAN

The possibilities for qualitative Geographic Information Systems (GIS) rest largely on the prospective successes of humanities researchers in interrogating GIS in a way that will compel its adaptation to humanities data. One way of characterizing what is at issue in that turn as it now has begun is to observe that GIS ontology currently privileges disambiguation in its organization of knowledge, while in the humanities, it is trust placed in the slipperiness of data, in its status as multivalent, equivocal, and protean, that determines the processes of its sorting and analysis. Our imagining an eventual common ground that escapes the dread gravity of this seemingly perennial problem—a problem articulated in many ways since the Enlightenment as a “war” between science and its epistemological competitors—might be well served by our focusing on ways of exploiting opportunities for multimedia GIS. The challenge is to construct a spatial multimedia that is coherent and productive even while remaining emergent. In simpler terms, we need a more fluid and ambiguous GIS.

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Medium 9781574410679

Recration or Play Time

Eddie Stimpson, Jr. University of North Texas Press PDF

Recration or Play Time

I suppose all kid think of nothing but playing, and my growing up was the same. As I think back on those days I remember there were known games and there were creative games. I think I enjoy playing most whin mother would play with us.

There were never any store bought toys except maby on

Xmas. There might be a Tom Mix or Lone Ranger cap gun for me and a doll for each of the girls. The girls all way got a black doll. Mother would help the girl make clothes for them. That was good for the girls because it taught them to sew. I'm sure it help Ruth. The size of famley she had, she had to make clothes.

She still do a lot of sewing. I don't no about Bessie Lee. She didn't take time to do any thing but tear up and stir up trouble.

In winter whin we could not go outside, or after school, we play jacks, pitty pat cards, and dominoes. We had Chinese checkers. All five of us would play at once. My Dad and I would play checkers while my mother and sisters play jacks. Some time we could get mother to play hide in seek. If there were snow we get old tubs, tires, boxes and use for sled. We would push each other and slide down the hill behind our house. If the water in the stream was froze hard enough we would skate on the icy stream. There was a lot more snow then than now.

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Medium 9780253011404

6. State Building(s): Built Forms, Materiality, and the State in Astana

MADELEINE REEVES Indiana University Press ePub

With bells tolling in the background, a cityscape of scaffolding and whimsically shaped buildings was conjured up on stage. A hundred young construction workers in neat dark blue overalls and orange hardhats danced among the buildings to a lively, rhythmic music, with the noise of work beating in industrial harmony. Sparks and smoke burst high up on the scaffolding, while the workers acted out an elaborate choreography and the facades of buildings took form from a jigsaw of pieces. Before the eyes of a thousand spectators seated in bleachers opposite, the cityscape of the new administrative quarter of Kazakhstan’s capital, Astana, was conjured into life in a matter of minutes. A huge banner with the image of ancient Turkic warriors that had been the background to the construction scene slid away to reveal a new backdrop: an enormous green map of the city, with red letters reading “Happy Birthday, Astana!” The stage, with its scaffoldings and imitation buildings, and the workers now standing proudly in the middle, was flanked by real cranes, scaffoldings, and the tall concrete carcasses of construction sites several hundred meters in the distance. Thus, a curious mimicry effect was introduced between the stage and the surrounding cityscape.

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Medium 9781780643137

1: The History of Animal Trade

Phillips, C.J.C. CABI PDF

The History of Animal Trade

1

1.1  Introduction

Our ancestors existed as hunter gatherers, and before that as anthropoid apes. The hunter gatherers had varied diets, which gave them security as a population against climatic extremes that favoured certain plant and animal types (Milton, 2000). The costs and risks of procuring meat and animal products were high and many were primarily gatherers. However, meat, once it was obtained, was a concentrated source of energy and protein, the most important nutrients that they required for survival. Not only did hunter gatherers in different parts of the world have quite varied diets, depending on availability, they were also free to migrate to utilize different fauna and flora sources, depending on the season and weather patterns.

Settled agriculture, adopted over a period of just a few thousand years beginning about 10,000 years ago, offered the opportunity for higher yields from plants and animals that were farmed in small areas. However, the static nature of this activity and the enhanced resource requirements of this form of food production, in the form of a regular water supply and a nutrient-rich soil, increased exposure to climatic and seasonal extremes. The inevitable variation in productivity could only be absorbed into a successful existence if humans cooperated with neighbouring groups, so that food surpluses in one region were transported to others where the need was greater. Thus our cognitive skills in organizing this trade, coupled with our highly social behaviour, combined to make plant and animal raising a viable alternative to hunter gathering when societies cooperated by trading in surplus goods.

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Medium 9780253013866

14. “I Cry ‘I Am’ for All to Hear Me”: The Informal Cemetery in Central Georgia

Edited by Akinwumi Ogundiran and Paula S Indiana University Press ePub

Hugh B. Matternes and Staci Richey

The conclusion of the Civil War was a major turning point in African American history. For the first time since they or their ancestors were brought from Africa, recently emancipated African Americans were in a position to take charge of their lives and explore freedoms that they had previously been denied. Few of them, however, had the social and economic resources to take advantage of freedom’s opportunities. African Americans faced the challenges of building stable, functioning communities that were capable of providing the materials and services needed to survive in the postbellum South within and around a largely Anglo-American social context. These needs included ensuring that death did not disrupt the social network and providing the dead a stable and meaningful place in their community. To achieve these goals, some African Americans adopted traditional, institution-based burial grounds modeled after (and sometimes controlled by) the Anglo-American community. When these could not meet the freed African Americans’ needs, they created cemeteries that lacked an overseeing authority. In this chapter, we suggest that some African American communities explored alternative burial areas. These informal cemeteries developed in communities where no single institution was responsible for the entire cemetery. The Old School Cemetery in Wilkes County, Georgia, is an example of an informal cemetery.

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Medium 9780253014467

7. The Muslim Question in the Aftermath of the Revolution

Elena I. Campbell Indiana University Press ePub

The introduction of elected legislative institution and the promise of civil liberties had set Russia on a new path. The political liberalizations of the 1905 revolution, however, were not to last. Nicholas II regretted losing the power he had ceded and sought to undo the concessions he had made. The government and the Duma could not work together, and on 3 June 1907, Nicholas dissolved the Second Duma. On the same day, Nicholas and P. A. Stolypin, the Minister of Internal Affairs and Prime Minister (1906–1911), radically changed the electoral law. Nicholas called for the Duma to be “Russian in spirit,” by which he meant it should cooperate with the government and demonstrate loyalty to the monarch.1 Delegations of peasants, workers, left-wing parties, and non-Russians were severely reduced, while Muslims of the Steppe region and Turkestan were excluded completely. In the Third Duma (1 November 1907–9 June 1912), the Muslim faction consisted of only nine deputies; of these seven were Tatars from the Volga–Ural region. By the Fourth Duma (15 November 1912–25 February 1917), the Muslim faction declined still further, to a total of only six deputies, with five from the Volga–Ural region.2

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Medium 9780253020666

7 Père Buffalo

Ch. Didier Gondola Indiana University Press ePub

7   Père Buffalo

He left a blank that’s hard to fill

For there never will be another Bill.

Both black and white will mourn the day

That the “Biggest Boss” took Bill away.

Eulogy for Bill Pickett (1870–1932)1

IN JULY 1964, Père Buffalo bid farewell to the Bills and Billesses with whom he had broken bread, sung, danced, and smoked marijuana. It had all begun one day in 1960, when he had befriended Billy in Quartier Dynamique, Quartier Mofewana’s rival in the township of Ngiri-Ngiri. On April 3, 2006, when I walked into his office in Sint Pieters-Leeuw, a small town in the western part of Flanders, fairly close to Brussels, Père Buffalo greeted me with an ebullient smile. He had been waiting for a biographer, he later confided in me, and suggested I meet with the Parisian-based Angolan filmmaker who had been working on a biopic about his ministry in Congo.2 Père Buffalo exuded an inexhaustible youthfulness and energy (see figure 7.1). I had little difficulty picturing him dealing with the brashest éboulementaires in Dynamique, Mofewana, or Citas back in the 1960s. When the topic of his smoking hemp came up during the interview, he flatly dismissed it.3 Bills did continue to smoke even after they had joined his Christian youth ministry. “They were no saints,” he quipped—nor was Père Buffalo the saint to deter them from partaking of their sweet indulgence.

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Medium 9780253356987

1. Neighbors and Comrades: Secularizing the Mari Country

Sonja Luehrmann Indiana University Press ePub

If it seemed that atheist methodicians had no qualms about interfering in the private lives of citizens to eradicate religious attachments, they did so in the name of a particular vision of public social relations. Comparable to secularist critics elsewhere, the builders of Soviet socialism often blamed religion for upholding the distinctions of ethnicity, gender, age, and locality that threatened to hamper a vision of statewide solidarity.1 Like other modernizers, Soviet activists failed to fully grasp the complexity of the social relations they set out to transform. But their critique of religion as a force of strife and division also emerged out of encounters between ideological expectations and this on-the-ground complexity, creating a set of constraints that remain effective in post-Soviet religious policy.

Particularly in multireligious regions such as the Middle Volga, atheist activists confronted religious solidarity and religious fragmentation as part of the forces shaping a tangle of neighborly relations among households and between villages. These relations ranged from cooperation to distrust or indifference, but were always at odds with the universal solidarity that Soviet modernization called for. The assumption that penetrating and transforming this tangle necessarily involved anti-religious struggle owed much of its persistence to the unassailable status of the writings of Marx and Engels, including their critiques of religion’s role in obscuring social relations and preserving patriarchal power.2 But Soviet atheist scholarship also elaborated its own changing answers to the question of where exactly the harm of religion lay, answers which over time came to home in on religion’s potential to strengthen social boundaries and increase individual isolation. These ideas evolved in part out of encounters with historical patterns of neighborliness that ordered the coexistence between social groups at a local level—patterns that, like religion itself, seemed at once too fragmenting and too solid for the Soviet state to tolerate.

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Medium 9781576754467

CHAPTER 9: End Hunger and Malnutrition

Daley-Harris, Shannon Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

When I feed the poor, they call me a saint. When I ask why the poor have no food, I am called a Communist.

— THE LATE ARCHBISHOP
DθM HÉLDER CÂMARA
OF RECIFE, BRAZIL

Eliot and his colleague sat down at a restaurant table for a business lunch. The colleague scanned the menu, made his choice, and waited for Eliot to decide. Eliot scrutinized the choices, he debated which sounded better, he sighed with the difficulty of the decision, he went back and forth between two options, and he groaned about having to choose. Finally, his colleague leaned over, put his hand on Eliot’s arm, and said, “Eliot, it’s only lunch.”

Instead of wrestling with menu choices, let’s spend our energy grappling with the question that really matters: what can we do to end hunger? In the United States, 35 million Americans, including one in five children, live in households that are “food insecure,” a horribly cold term that means they struggle to put food on the table, they eat less nutritious food because it is cheaper, or they are just not getting enough to eat. Around the world more than 852 million children and adults are hungry or malnourished. What actions can we take to bring an end to this unconscionable situation?

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Medium 9780253014887

1. A Deep and Fruitful Tradition: Jiří Jeníček, the Film Group, and Cinema Culture of the 1930s

Alice Osborne Lovejoy Indiana University Press ePub

“ON THE GOALS AND RESPONSIBILITIES of Military Film,” a 1937 article by Czechoslovak Army filmmaker Jiří Jeníček, does not open—as one might imagine from its staid title—with the history of battles or proclamations about duty to country and flag. Instead, it begins with a quote from Béla Balázs’s 1924 Visible Man: “Film is the popular art of our century.”1 This quote serves as pretext for Jeníček’s contention: that militaries throughout the world have long been a central source for new understandings and uses of cinema. “A good eight years before Balázs,” he writes,

during the last part of the World War, soldiers recognized the advantages that film can bring to their work, sensing that it had all the characteristics of a popular communication medium. They did not, of course, place film as high on the hierarchical ladder as Balázs, but they recognized its exceptional importance for defense at a time when it was still considered a peripheral … entertainment; when a man of average education blushed if pressed to acknowledge that he spent his evenings at the biograph.2

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