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Medium 9780253010599

3 Migration and War

Mark Ellis Indiana University Press ePub

After three years as a Phelps-Stokes researcher, Woofter applied for graduate study at Columbia University, where the sociologists and statisticians in the Department of Social Science rivaled those at the University of Chicago. He knew that Thomas Jesse Jones’s career as a social scientist began with a PhD from Columbia, but his financial circumstances and the University of Georgia’s lack of accreditation for admission to advanced work hampered him. Relying on personal connections and favors, he secured a one-year fellowship at the American University in Washington, D.C., with references supplied by Jones and U.S. commissioner of education Philander P. Claxton, who sat on the university’s fellowships board. His $500 award for 1916–17 let him register for a probationary year in the graduate program at Columbia as a “Fellow of the American University,” before enrolling properly as a PhD student with an intended dissertation on “Negro Farm Life in Georgia.”1

Woofter’s work at Columbia was supervised by the eminent sociologist Franklin H. Giddings, who, like his colleagues in psychology, anthropology, and economics, favored rigorous statistical analysis and use of the Burroughs adding and listing machine. Giddings believed social behavior and adaptation derived from the “evolution of a consciousness of kind” that individuals shared with members of their own group; he also held that most social conflicts and inequalities stemmed from innate differences between groups and that those tensions were logical expressions of collective identity and preference.2 “Consciousness of kind,” he contended, led people to “manifest a dominant antipathy” toward “variations” from their type: “Fundamental identities or similarities of nature and purpose, of instinct and habit, of mental and moral qualities, of capacities and abilities, are recognized as factors in the struggle for existence. To the extent that safety and prosperity depend upon group cohesion and cooperation, they are seen to depend upon such conformity to type as may suffice to ensure the cohesion and to fulfill the cooperation.”3 The rationale that the New England–born Giddings provided for degrees of segregation of American racial and ethnic groups struck Woofter as persuasive and reassuring. Woofter detached himself from many aspects of orthodox southern thought, including the ideal of total racial separation, but he remained wedded throughout his life to the conviction that the races should not mix at the most intimate levels and that harmony was best preserved by Americans spending their social lives in homogenous company. Giddings’s elaboration of “consciousness of kind” appeared to rest on scientific investigation and reasoning, rather than the prejudice and bitterness that made Woofter uncomfortable in the South. As Giddings put it, “consciousness of kind” meant “that pleasurable state of mind which includes organic sympathy, the perception of resemblance, conscious or reflective sympathy, affection, and the desire for recognition.” Woofter could see that both black and white Americans might derive satisfaction and comfort from a separateness maintained for positive reasons and not imposed out of antipathy and suspicion. According to historian George M. Fredrickson, Giddings and the “pioneers of the new discipline of sociology” were reacting against unmodified social Darwinist concepts of competition; instead, “the new sociologists posited a social order based on co-operation, compromise, and cohesion,” while stressing basic differences between the cooperating groups.4 The interracial cooperation movement drew heavily on this point of view.

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Medium 9780253337016

1. “I Am Berida Ndambuki”

Berida Ndambuki Indiana University Press ePub

My name is Berida Ndambuki1 but it was not always so. My birth name was Mathei wa Moli (my father’s name) wa Kivinda (my grandfather’s name). That’s how we do it. My mother’s name was Maria Mbatha. But now I am Berida Ndambuki. Ndambuki is my husband. He married me when I was young. But in 1957 after attending catechism class for four years I was given the name Berida, and everyone calls me that except Ndambuki when he is being bad. He then uses Mathei but he is the only one that does that. After I took more classes I was given the name Lucia to show that I am a complete Christian and accept Jesus. It is fine for you to use my real name here and those of my family; maybe if my husband sees how he looks here he will change his ways.

About myself, when I was married by Ndambuki I became a dutiful wife. We stayed together as husband and wife and got children but we were very poor and we had no employment, so it became necessary for me to come to Nairobi so that we could educate our children. I educated two children, Magdalena and Angelina. But first maybe I should tell you about my childhood so you can see how things have changed.

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Medium 9781626562141

4. Extracted Rent

Peter Barnes Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Forget about hard work and the merit system and honesty
and all that crap, and get to where the Money River is
.

—Kurt Vonnegut, God Bless You, Mr. Rosewater

When I cofounded Working Assets (now known as Credo) in 1983, we organized as a private corporation. Our corporate charter was our license to enter the American marketplace, with its 300 million consumers and all the legal, financial, and physical infrastructure Americans have built over generations. It also gave us the right to maximize financial gain for ourselves. We paid a pittance for these privileges and at no extra cost got limited liability and perpetual life. The entire package came with a timeless guarantee that our physical, intellectual, and financial property would be protected by the full authority of America’s state and federal governments.

“Not a bad deal, starting a corporation,” I mused at the time. “Sure, we may fail, and I may lose my investment, but if we win, we win big. And boy, is America behind us!”

Ten years later, when our annual sales passed $100 million, my partners and I realized that our closely held company would be worth millions more if we took it public. Thus, in addition to all the gifts America had already given us, we could pluck several extra million dollars out of thin air simply by floating a stock offering. Having just read Kurt Vonnegut’s novel God Bless You, Mr. Rosewater, about a wealthy heir and the crafty lawyer who advises him, I thought I was getting close to the Money River.

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Medium 9780253021274

1 A Short Sketch of the Fergana Valley

Vladimir Nalivkin Indiana University Press ePub

FERGANA IS A VALLEY that runs from northeast to southwest, surrounded by mountain ranges that open up only to its southwestern corner, near Khujand.

The length of the valley from Khujand to Uzgentom (in [geographic] projection) is approximately 300 versts.1 The greatest distance between the base of the foothills is about 130 versts, and the smallest (near Maxram), about 30 versts. Longitudinally, the valley is cut by the river Syr-Darya, formed from the junction of the Naryn and Kara-Darya Rivers, a few versts to the south of Namagan. Many small rivers and streams run down the mountain slopes and partly in the foothills, but mainly when they flow into the valley, their flow diverges into an enormous network of ariqs, artificial irrigation channels.

The major cities, the most populated trade and industrial settlements, are Qo’qon [Kokand], Marg’ilon, Andijon, Namangan, Osh, and Chust. Apart from these cities, which correspond to six current uezds [administrative divisions or regions] of Fergana oblast’ [province], there are kishlaks (villages), some of which—for example, Isfara and Rishtan of Qo’qon region, Shaxrixon and Assaka of Marg’ilon region, and Uzgent of Andijon region—compare in size and population to such cities as Osh and Chust.

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Medium 9780253008848

11 Naji al-Ali and the Iconography of Arab Secularism

Edited by Christiane Gruber and Sune Hau Indiana University Press ePub

CHAPTER 11

Naji al-Ali and the
Iconography of Arab Secularism

SUNE HAUGBOLLE

You put yourself in his shoes when you see his drawings.

—a fan of Naji al-Ali, Ramallah, February 2010

Art can do a very simple, but very powerful thing: it can mirror our lives by creating poignant stories, images, and sounds that are at once familiar and strange. Or, as a dedicated fan of the Palestinian cartoonist Naji al-Ali explained his popularity to me: “Naji avoided clichés” (the un-strangely familiar) and instead “held on to the one broken image he had in his head when he left his house” at the age of ten. “He took that boy, who was himself, and placed him in front of the injustices of the Arab world,” as the one who observes and archives what others ignore and forget. The character Handhala, he explained, is a condensation of the pain, longing, and love experienced by millions of Palestinians and Arabs in the late twentieth century. “He never left that image of a boy leaving his village. And you put yourself in his shoes when you see his drawings.”1

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Medium 9780253016461

3 The Illegal Slave Trade and the Cuban Sexual Economy of Race, 1820–1867

Karen Y. Morrison Indiana University Press ePub

I spoke to you about enslaved black women, women who
while their boyfriends, husbands, fathers, brothers, and other relatives
slept on a platform, or in the shade of a tree, were busy with all their
responsibilities, from the young girl who began to sigh under the weight of
the machete or hoe to the mother who hears the cries of her children.

—Anselmo Suárez y Romero,
“Los Domingos en los Ingenios,” 1840 (Sundays at the Sugar Mills)

ANSELMO SUÁREZ Y ROMEROS FAMILY-ORIENTED INTERPREtation of Cuba’s mid-nineteenth-century enslaved women as daughters, sisters, and wives is a rare one. And the acknowledgment of their masculine counterparts as fathers, brothers, and husbands is even less frequent. Visions of the socially alienated slave have, until recently, been the norm within Cuban historical studies. Yet other narratives are possible. For example, when slavers forcibly brought a young Carabalí boy to Cuba in 1794 and sold him to work as a captive first in coffee cultivation and then in sugar production, the chances that he would live to see the birth of grandchildren seemed slim. It is a well-accepted historiographic fact that Cuba’s nineteenth-century slave population did not achieve population replacement rates of reproduction. The harsh labor regime, an unhealthy tropical disease environment, a severely imbalanced gender ratio, and generally inadequate living conditions all mitigated against Afro-Cuban reproduction and family formation. Yet many African ethnics, such as the boy above, who was baptized with the Spanish name Narciso, eventually managed to raise families with several children, and even grandchildren, who gave rise to today’s Afro-Cuban population. Through personal family histories and attention to collective social practices, this chapter retells important, unexplored elements of how they met this challenge during the ultimate, and illegal, period of Cuba’s slave trade.

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Medium 9781887208086

CHAPTER 10: PEOPLE POWER REBELLION

Korten, David C. Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Britain was forced not to give, grant, concede, or release our independence, but to acknowledge it, in terms as clear as our language afforded, and under seal and under oath.1

John Adams

The American colonies were products of imperial expansion, and they replicated the imperial social structures of plutocracy and theocracy of the European nations that created them. From the beginning, however, there were also important counterforces at work that fostered a rebellious spirit, favored religious pluralism, and prepared the way for a people to walk away from their king, discover their common identity, and form a new nation bathed in the rhetoric of liberty and justice for all.

There were early exceptions to the narrow and brutal Calvinist and Episcopalian sectarianism. Some settlers, particularly the Quakers, came to North America with a truly democratic consciousness tolerant of religious diversity, at least within the boundaries of the Protestant faith, and a concern for the rights of all.

William Penn, who founded Pennsylvania, was a Quaker who had spent time in prison in England for his religious beliefs. Penn populated the lands granted to him by royal charter by appealing to religious dissenters from across Europe with the promise of land and religious liberty. He attracted Quakers and Baptists from England, Huguenots from France, and Pietist and Reformed groups out of favor with Lutheran or Catholic princes in Germany. Pennsylvania and New Jersey, which were both predominantly Quaker, welcomed all persons of Protestant faith, but excluded atheists and non-Christians—a category that by their reckoning included Catholics.

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Medium 9781574416527

Chapter 11 - That's More Bull Than I'd Like to Ride (1965–1969)

Mitchel P. Roth University of North Texas Press ePub

“Had my ribs, nose and arm broken, but after all a guy has to have a hobby.”

—Lala Markovich, 1965

THE tumult of the 1960s caught up to the Texas prison system in the second half of the decade. “Treatment by race” had been one of the most salient features of the system since its inception. This began to change in 1965 when George J. Beto desegregated individual prison units. Well aware of the logistical problems that would result, Beto went ahead and desegregated the units anyway, paving the way for different races to coexist in the Texas prison system, mirroring the racial coexistence that had characterized the prison rodeo arena since the 1930s.

However, inmates were still housed by race in separate dorms and cell blocks within the prison units and for years did not mix in the dining halls or even in the agricultural hoe squads. So, while inmates of all races might have gone about their daily routines in the same prison units, black, white, and Hispanic inmates did it in their own segregated wings and labored in segregated field forces. It would take another decade for the Texas prison system to actually alter its state-sanctioned system of racial segregation.1

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Medium 9780253356376

7 Merit and Power in the Thai Social Order

KATHLEEN M ADAMS Indiana University Press ePub

Lucien M. Hanks, Jr.

As good Buddhists, the Thai perceive that all living beings stand in a hierarchy of varying ability to make actions effective and of varying degrees of freedom from suffering. As actions become more effective, beings suffer less; the two vary together; such is the nature of existence. Above man in shimmering space stand the angels and gods who, with a single word, can stop the course of rivers. Man, however, must dig and delve to turn a rivulet, feeble efforts that may be wrecked in a moment by a sudden freshet. But man’s effectiveness in action and freedom from suffering exceed those of the animals standing beneath him on the hierarchy. Animals share with man a corporeal existence limited to the surface of the earth, but man is somewhat more able to cope with rain and cold. While animals wander in search of food, man has learned to produce and store his, at least until the next harvest.

This hierarchy depends on a composite quality called “merit” (bun) or “virtue” (khwaamdii), or one may also speak of a graded series of penalties (baap). Yet in translation these words fail to convey the particular Thai emphasis. Like a dog snarling to keep his bone, a lower being is more covetous than a higher one who would generously give away his last bowl of rice. The emphasis lies in selflessness. Instead of using his effectiveness in action to tend his own wants, the selfless farmer, feeling compassionate toward creatures of greater suffering, feeds his buffalo before turning to his own meal. Compassion, however, cannot work unaided by understanding; the powerful angel in the forest allows many lost and weary travelers to pass unaided, for he chooses to help only the worthy ones who will be strengthened in virtue, knowing that the evil will continue their evil deeds.

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Medium 9780253011800

3. Troubled Geographies: A Historical GIS of Religion, Society, and Conflict in Ireland since the Great Famine

IAN N GREGORY Indiana University Press ePub

THREE

Troubled Geographies: A Historical GIS of Religion, Society, and Conflict in Ireland since the Great Famine

NIALL CUNNINGHAM

THROUGHOUT THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN IRELAND RELIGION has played a central role in the persistence of complex communal identities.1 Notwithstanding what has been considered to be the substantive resolution of “the Troubles” in Northern Ireland, religious identity has continued to significantly influence attitudes and behavior.2 However, this is not to be reductive: the divisions between Catholics and Protestants have not been representative of substantive theological conflict; instead, they have reflected the political chasm between nationalists, the overwhelming majority of whom are Catholic, and Protestants, who have always made up the vast majority of the unionist political bloc that seeks to maintain the constitutional link with the rest of the United Kingdom. Many scholars have set out to appraise these complexities and their outcomes, but few have explored them through an overtly geographical framing to understand how the conflict that has so dogged Northern Ireland in contemporary decades relates to longer-term (re)configurations of identities right across the island. In that context, this chapter will provide some insights into “Troubled Geographies: Two Centuries of Religious Division in Ireland,” a major project funded by the UK’s Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) that has gone some way in addressing this lacuna.

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Medium 9781574413205

The Jetty

Edited by Kenneth L. Untiedt University of North Texas Press PDF

7978-ch03.pdf

10/6/11

8:16 AM

Page 203

THE JETTY by Randy Cameron

Port Aransas, that island town off the Texas mainland, is, of course, surrounded by water. But even that is not enough for some people.

They want to go farther than the edge. They want to go to the very end. And to those who do, the jetty is their route, a mile-long, twelve-foot wide stretch of old cement first constructed in 1940, and more recently widened, patched, and finally strengthened with

Volkswagen-sized blocks of Texas granite. The whole scene is a marvelous mixture of jumbled and jagged rocks, moss, kelp, wheeling gulls, and sea spray.

And fishermen. What an eclectic lot the jetty lures out upon it—especially, I think, on a mild December day of streaky, high cirrus clouds and little wind such as this. We see people of all ages and genders, some serious anglers, some semi-so, and some not at all.

Those are the ones content to watch and listen to the sea, catch some sun, check their bird books and just be a part of the relaxed, communal scene. Still others, like myself, and my wife and sevenyear-old son, try a little bit of it all.

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Medium 9781574416541

19. The New “Marshall”

David S. Turk University of North Texas Press ePub
Medium 9780253020512

5. Once Upon a Time, There Was a Happy Old Berber Couple

Charis Boutieri Indiana University Press ePub

5

Once Upon a Time, There Was a Happy Old Berber Couple

There can be no flourishing of our culture or reform of our educational structure without a genuine modification of our political system. There can be no democratic launch without a radical change in the status of culture.

—Abdellatif Laabi in Kenza Sefriouri, La revue Souffles: espoirs de revolution culturelle au Maroc (1966–1973)

I made sure never to miss Mr. Idrissi’s senior-year Arab Literature class, admittedly the most enjoyable I ever attended—even counting my own high school years. An amateur actor, Mr. Idrissi was dramatic and enthusiastic, exerting every possible effort to motivate and excite his students. His energy was infectious to the point that both students and anthropologist hung on his every word. During one double session, Mr. Idrissi introduced the class to the topic of modern poetry and specifically to the structure of the modern poem. He asked one of the students to read aloud the introductory passage in the relevant textbook unit.1 Just as in the Islamic Education class, the teacher urged the student to read with a non-regional accent, for example, to pronounce thaqāfa (culture) instead of taqāfa. He phrased his remark in the following way: “Bi-l-lugha al-ʿarabiyya naqūl … thaqāfa!” (In the Arabic language we say … thaqâfa). With this statement, the teacher momentarily distanced dārija (Moroccan Arabic) from the language of the canon of arabophone poetry taught at school, fuṣḥā (Classical Arabic).

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Medium 9780253018816

3 Acrobatic Stylistics, Agonistic Vision

Richard Werbner Indiana University Press ePub

IN TSWAPONG WISDOM divination, the aesthetically pleasing way from the surface of things, including the divinatory lots, to their inner significance passes through poetry. The genre to which this poetry belongs is rich and widely found across Africa and, very prominently, in southern Africa—the oral poetry of praises, maboko, singular, leboko, derived from the verb boka “honour by giving titles to a person in poems, sing the praises of” (Schapera 1965, 1, citing Brown 1931, 26); and the praise-poet is called mmoki.1 It is eulogy—a poetry that glorifies things, from trees, crops, rivers, hills to many scenic features of the landscape and, in modern times, to schools, railway trains, and bicycles; it celebrates and boasts about events, including life crises and certain heroic feats in the Second World War (Jackson 1996); it extols living beings, including predators, wild birds and insects, and domestic animals, notably cattle; and it lauds, flatters (sometimes with critical bite, demanding better things2), and honors people, from prominent leaders—chiefs, royalty, and famous warriors—to ordinary folk, both men and women (Schapera 1965, 1). Isaac Schapera’s monumental study, Praise Poems of Tswana Chiefs (1965), has made a whole body of praise poetry, accessible, much-appreciated and closely read, at least by a good number of people in Botswana. The general stress in such praise poetry is, as Ruth Finnegan early recognized, “in action and on the building up of a series of pictures about the qualities of the hero, rather than on lyric description of nature” (1970, 137).3 And, of course, the divining bones are addressed in maboko that picture significant virtues, along with some invective. Heightened above all is the heroic virtue of the Patriarch.

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Medium 9780253333605

V. Here We Come Only to Struggle: Changes in Trade, 1964 to 1990

Claire Cone Robertson Indiana University Press ePub

In the 1960s Nairobi began to take on the aspect of a big city; the population’s annual growth rate was 7.9% from 1948 to 1962, 5.8% from 1962 to 1969 and 5% from 1969 to 1979. In 1990 the population was pushing two million, with a projection that by the year 2000 25% of Kenya’s population would be urbanized. Despite punitive population density, the supply of legal housing grew, if anything, at a slower rate than in the latter years of colonialism. From 1964 to 1971 urban land values inflated by 300% in Nairobi. In 1972 there was a shortfall of about 60,000 housing units, while by one estimate over 70% of families could not afford even the cheapest two room conventional housing. In 1977 there were 30,000 names on a waiting list for 1000 NCC public housing units. The city government came under stricter central government control, and very little money was allotted for the maintenance of infrastructure and services. But immigration continued, with an increasing proportion of women joining the stream, many of whom took up trade as an occupation.2 In 1973-74 the female migration rate to Nairobi was twice that of men. From 1973 to 1982 the Central Bureau of Statistics estimated that the informal sector in Nairobi grew from employing 41,415 persons to 172,214, more than a 400% increase, and by 1987 it was thought to be generating employment at a rate three times faster than the formal sector. In 1984 the NCC estimate of 30,000 hawkers in Nairobi was regarded as too low by the press, who added another 15,000 to it.3 There were also the perpetual migrants; the insecurity of life in Nairobi, heightened by ongoing squatter settlement clearances carried out by authorities, confirmed for many women the wisdom of living elsewhere and trading to Nairobi, a commute facilitated by better transportation.

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