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Acknowledgments

Alanna E. Cooper Indiana University Press ePub

This work is about the way in which unity can be constructed and maintained in the midst of tremendous flux and dispersion. Indeed, the book itself brings together in a single volume almost twenty years of research and writing, done in many locales. My deep love and devotion to the subject matters have carried me through the process. But this was no solitary enterprise. It could never have been accomplished without the care, support, encouragement, wisdom, friendship, sharing, and dedication of so many whom I met along the way. Some joined me in my endeavors for a few fleeting moments, and with others I have had deeper and more sustained interactions. Regardless, this work is a product of all these relationships.

First, I must thank the people whom this book is about. Although it is not possible for me to list each of the hundreds of individuals who shaped this work by sharing pieces of their lives with me, I extend deep gratitude to all those who did. I am particularly thankful to a few for opening their hearts and homes to me, and for the great time and energy they spent teaching and sharing with me. These include: Yitzhak Abramov, Rivka (Aronbayev) Aharoni, Leora Gevirtzman, Rahel Karayof, Berta Nektalov, Shlomo Haye Niyazov, Geula Sabet, and Nina Yitzhakov. I would also like to mention Sasha Aronbayev and Mikhael Chulpayev, who passed away while still in the prime of their lives. I am grateful for their generosity of time and spirit, and wish I could have been able to share this book with them. May their memory be for a blessing. There are others whose anonymity I have worked to preserve, and am therefore unable to thank by name. I am deeply indebted to these individuals whose lives are so integral to the story I tell here.

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44 An Evaluation of the Uprisings and Their Results

Yitzhak Arad Indiana University Press ePub

The Undergrounds in both Treblinka and Sobibor operated under extremely difficult and adverse conditions. The camps were small, easy to supervise, and offered no possible hiding places, and the prisoners were under the constant surveillance of the camp authorities. Yet the Underground leaders still succeeded in organizing a clandestine group and preserving the secrecy of its existence from the Germans, Ukrainians, and the majority of their fellow prisoners. The fact that it was done attests to outstanding leadership, a sharp eye in selecting the members for the Underground, and the manipulative ability to conceal the clandestine activities.

The Underground in each camp operated independently; there was absolutely no contact between them. They were not even aware of the existence of the other camp and an Underground organization there. Yet we find many similarities in the organization, plans, and activities in both camps. The conditions and structure of Treblinka and Sobibor were similar, and this was what probably dictated the way the organization and operation of the Undergrounds developed. The leaders of the Undergrounds came from the “elite” of the prisoners—the capos, heads of workshops, foremen. Even the size of the Underground was similar in both camps—about fifty to sixty members.

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14 - Protestant Pragmatism in China, 1919–1927

Edited by Leigh E Schmidt and Sally M Indiana University Press ePub

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GRETCHEN BOGER

The teachings of Jesus can be best brought to our people by appealing to our mind and intellect in addition to our heart. Their usefulness and reasonableness should be demonstrated along with their power.

Chengting T. Wang, 1921

The missionary press itself reveals a profound ferment, a passion to justify faith by works.

Lewis S. Gannett, 1926

In May 1919 John Dewey arrived in China for what he imagined would be a brief visit. Chinese scholars eagerly anticipating the arrival of the great pragmatist philosopher met him at the docks. Dewey intended to stay for two months and wound up staying over two years, during which time attendance at his lectures regularly was in the thousands. Some enthusiasts followed him from city to city; others read the translated texts of his talks published in hundreds of daily newspapers and literary journals. His lectures on educational philosophy, democracy, and the experiential approach to the acquisition of knowledge all were of keen interest to Chinese intellectuals engaged in a cultural reform effort known alternately as the Chinese Renaissance, the New Thought Movement, or the New Culture Movement.1 The initiative had begun several years earlier among scholars at Peking University who believed that overhauling Chinese society's cultural foundations might be the means to erecting a vital modern state. Though the ideas it encompassed were diverse, the movement put its greatest emphasis on rational inquiry as the means of liberating the Chinese people, struggling under unstable rule since the 1911 overthrow of the Ch'ing (Qing) dynasty.2 New Culture founding member Chen Tu-Hsiu (Chen Duxiu) declared science and democracy the keystones of reform and saw them as related: people who were educated to use the scientific method in the pursuit of knowledge would be freed from submission to tradition and empowered to develop and sustain democratic institutions. Scientific inquiry, applied to human relationships as well as to the physical world, thus assumed a central role in the movement. One manifesto declared, “We believe that politics, ethics, science, the arts, religion, and education all should meet practical needs in the achievement of progress for present and future social life…. We believe that it is requisite for the progress of our present society to uphold natural science and pragmatic philosophy and to abolish superstition and fantasy.”3 This was not the pursuit of knowledge for knowledge's sake: it was aimed always at invigorating a fractured, weakly governed, economically distressed Chinese state.4

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8 The Proof of Paradoxical Reason

McCombs, Richard Indiana University Press ePub

 

If ye continue in my word, then are ye my disciples indeed; and ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free. (John 8:31–32)

 

I am the way, the truth, and the life. (John 14:6)

 

The truth in the sense in which Christ is the truth is not a sum of statements . . . but a life. (PC, 205)

 

This is eternal life, that they may know thee, the only true God, and Jesus Christ, whom thou hast sent. (John 17:3)

 

That is, only then do I know the truth, when it becomes a life in me. (PC, 206, commenting on John 17:3; emphasis added)

Kierkegaard appears to reject the requirement of reason that he critically evaluate the beliefs grounding both his own and his rival’s ways of life. But in fact he affirms this requirement.

We have already examined some of Kierkegaard’s reasons for appearing to reject rational evaluation of ways of life. He thinks that he needs the incognito of irrationalism to help his readers become more rational, but if he unambiguously set about critically assessing lives with arguments pro et contra he would blow his cover. He also thinks that the task of reason is not so much to think the truth as it is to live it. Of course living the truth includes thinking it, but it also embraces feeling, willing, and enacting it. Since he wishes to encourage his readers to live what they know and believe, and since he is aware that they are very prone to substitute thinking for living, he avoids writing in such a way as to promote or excuse an obsession with thinking. Obviously, guarding in this way against an obsession with thinking does not permit publishing forthright and extensive rational evaluation of ways of life.

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5 Dynamics of Jihād in the Bilād al-Sūdūn

Roman Loimeier Indiana University Press PDF

5

Dynamics of Jihād in the Bilād al-Sūdān

Patterns of Jihād

In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the bilād al-sūdān experienced a series of wars which led to the establishment of new states and empires that were ruled, for the first time in the history of these societies, by Muslim religious scholars. The wars which ended with the victory of these religious scholars were legitimated in religious terms and came to be regarded as jihāds, while the new states which arose from these movements of jihād came to be seen as imāmates. In major parts of the bilād al-sūdān, the jihāds of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries brought to an end the rule of non-Muslim rulers and of those Muslim rulers who had tolerated the coexistence of Islam and local cults. They also set the stage for the European colonial conquest of Africa since the late nineteenth century which encountered a series of imāmates and Muslim empires, from the Atlantic to Lake Chad. When looking at the development of these Muslim states in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, we see that there was never a single model but a spectrum of expressions of jihād, and consequently not a single model of Islamic rule but a spectrum of expressions of rule: as each movement of jihād developed its own character, each imāmate developed its own style and structure of governance, from the almost ideal type of a Muslim state,

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