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7 Location

Foreword by Saskia Sassen Edited by Hil Indiana University Press ePub


We need “to think through what might be an adequately progressive sense of place, one which would fit in with the current global-local times and the feeling and relations they give rise to, and which would be useful in what are, after all, political struggles often inevitably based on place.”

Doreen Massey, “A Global Sense of Place”

FILM AND MEDIA ARE OFTEN USED TO PROMOTE LOCATIONS TOWARD developmental futures and global vistas. These mediated locations are equally sites of struggle, as they are produced across a fraught and differentiated geometry of film and media technologies, cultural geographies, and transnational processes. The poster for the 2007 Shanghai eArts Festival (Shanghai dianzi yishu jie) featured a panorama of future-oriented Shanghai architecture configured into a circular globe. Here, the gleaming span of the latest skyscrapers to transform the Shanghai cityscape extended out in all directions—Jing‘an district’s Plaza 66, the then new CITIC building, for example—against an encircling horizon of bright blue sky and streaming white clouds. Advertising a week-long transformation of Shanghai through site-specific new media art installations, outdoor performances, and gallery showings produced and curated by figures both in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and from around the globe, this promotion underscores the promise that the eArts Festival was to enable for the city. For its organizers and curators, commissioned by the Shanghai Municipal Government, the festival was to present “important methods in the development of Shanghai’s new culture.”1 As it “enabled Shanghai to become a center for twenty-first century electronic and new media arts,” it constructed new urban spaces, globally networked to technological and creative initiatives in other new media capitals—among them, London, Linz, New York, Tokyo, and Seoul.2 “Globalisms,” as Anna Tsing has underscored, indicate “endorsements” toward an aspirational globe—future-oriented visions that hail the possibilities of global connectivity and the even exchanges and converging interests they engender.3 As the eArts Festival here worked to forge new geographies and thereby new experiences for Shanghai, new media arts and their locations were to transform the city into a platform for addressing twenty-first-century technological and creative imperatives.

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4: Historical Dynamics of the Northern Uganda Conflict: A Longitudinal Struggle for Nation Building

Edited by Kenneth Omeje and Tricia Redek Indiana University Press ePub

A Longitudinal Struggle for Nation Building

Elias Omondi Opongo

THE NORTHERN UGANDA conflict can be characterized as part of a longitudinal struggle for nation building that both precedes and postdates the twenty-two-year civil war between the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and Government of Uganda (GOU). Although military interventions and peace talks (most recently in 2006–8) have resulted in a ceasefire and relative stability, the war cost close to 200,000 lives and dramatically increased poverty and insecurity. The northern Acholi region remains the most affected by both the conflict and perfunctory postconflict rehabilitation measures. It also faces the challenge of designing an effective transitional justice framework that reconciles the model of retributive justice favored by the International Criminal Court (ICC) and models of restorative justice based on cultural mechanisms supported by some members of local communities and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Northern Uganda has therefore been considered both one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world, as well as a laboratory for postconflict transitional justice and peacebuilding.

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15 Restorative Justice and the Harrisonburg Police

van Gelder, Sarah Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

HARRISONBURG, VIRGINIA — Restorative justice (RJ), which has roots in indigenous circle processes, is a way of dealing with conflict and violations of trust. The practice is designed to restore relationships broken by a crime or other discord. In classic cases, a victim of a crime and the offender meet in a circle with others who have a stake in the outcome—the victim gets to ask questions about the crime, the perpetrator offers an apology and may add context to the event, and together they work out terms of reparations. Advocates say this approach, compared to that of the criminal justice system, is more likely to result in healing for the victim, real accountability from the offender, and a less divided community.

I came to Harrisonburg, Virginia, to learn about a practice that is spreading across the country as a substitute for approaches based on punishment and prison time. The criminal justice system disproportionately punishes people of color, from traffic stops through sentencing and on through post-prison employment. The United States has more than 2 million people behind bars, the highest number and the highest rate of incarceration in the world; this country imprisons its public at three and a half times the rate of Europe. Furthermore, although people of color make up 30 percent of the U.S. population, they account for 60 percent of the prison population; one in three black men can expect to spend time in prison over the course of their lifetimes.1 And once convicted, anyone finds it harder to get a job, housing, credit, or social services. So diverting people from the criminal justice system, especially young people, is one piece of untangling institutionalized racism.

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Six: What Have We Learned?

Nagler, Michael N. Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Nonviolence is an innate capacity of human nature. It is not a moral commandment; still less is it a philosophical abstraction. Nonviolence, at least the kind I’ve presented here, is an energy that operates in and on all living beings. It can be understood, predicted, and controlled like many other forces in nature. Probably the most important thing we need to know about nonviolence is that it’s not the absence of anything as much as it is a positive force. It is the force of love, though at times it may not feel that way. The U.S. Civil Rights movement, King explained, did not cause outbursts of anger but “expressed anger under discipline for maximum effect.” This discipline of conserving our anger is not an act of repression. When we do it correctly, it enables our anger to be converted into a creative power. Nonviolence is the power released by the conversion of a negative drive.

That transformation of negative or disruptive energies within the human being is not only a growth process for the individual; it can have an astounding effect on opponents—an effect that threats and weapons cannot match. During the successful Philippines People Power Revolution of 1986—which is only one example among thousands we could cite—soldiers defied direct orders from their superiors and refused to fire on peaceful protesters. In many cases, they were actually seen to break down in tears and defect.35

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Chapter Three The Unholy Trinity The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization

Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

THE THREE MAJOR GLOBAL INSTITUTIONS that create and express the rules of economic globalization are the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization, variously called the “unholy trinity” or the “iron triangle.” It is their fundamental job to align all of the world’s formerly disparate national economies behind a central formula, to create the standard gauge railway by which corporate-led economic growth can more easily fulfill the mandate of Bretton Woods.

Each has its own basic function. The World Bank funds large-scale projects, promotes structural adjustment policies, and dominates the development debate through its research department. The IMF presses similar economic “reforms” through short-term emergency loans. And the WTO is the rule-setter for global trade and investment. But they all work together to be sure that all countries adopt identical visions, policies, and standards and keep in line. And they all share the overall goals to deregulate corporate activity, privatize whatever is public, prevent nations from protecting natural resources or labor or safety laws or standards, and open all channels in every country for a free flow of investment and trade.

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