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Medium 9780253011787

1 Identity, Citizenship, and Nation Building in Africa

Edmond J. Keller Indiana University Press ePub

“Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression.”

—Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Path to Nigerian Freedom

“We feel dissatisfied and unhappy when people tell us that we are not of this place. We have been here for over two hundred years… . We know no other place other than here … so we have nowhere else to go.”

—Zangon-Kataf, Warri, Nigeria, Human Rights Watch interview, November 16, 2005

From their very inception as independent polities, African states have struggled to manage identity politics. Following the European Scramble for Africa that began in 1884–1885, colonial powers imposed their own artificial criteria to create states in Africa. Over less than a century, African peoples were grouped according to the rules of competing European powers that had formed their colonial African possessions and established effective control over them. As a matter of administrative convenience, the colonialists organized their African subjects according to assumed ethno-linguistic characteristics. Initially, they gave little—if any—thought to the notion of “independent” African states; however, this attitude began to change around the time of the Second World War and, by the mid-1960s, almost the entire African continent was again free of European rule. Rather than returning to their original forms of political organization, however, African societies found themselves facing the need to form viable multiethnic and multicultural nation-states comprised of “citizens” rather than mere “subjects.” As they approached the challenge of nation building, African nationalist leaders aimed to create among what had until then been a multiplicity of parochial communities referred to as “tribes, a sense of “national” unity, transforming them so that they would now have primary attachment to the newly created multiethnic nation-states. A common phrase of that time was, “We must die as tribes and be born as a nation!” This effort proved to be a formidable challenge for the leaders of these newly independent states, and became the subject of intense scholarly discourse.

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Medium 9781626563377

Chapter 4: A Field Guide to Resilient Investing

Brill, Hal Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

A Tour of the Nine Zones of the Resilient Investing Map

NOW THAT YOU ARE ORIENTED TO THE ROWS AND COLUMNS OF THE RIM, you are probably eager to see the colorful variety of investments that are blossoming all across this expanded territory. What do you find in the place where tangible assets chart an evolutionary course, or financial assets come close to home? This section is designed as a field guide, one that will help you recognize some of the species that you will encounter in each of the nine investment zones.

Here is where you’ll experience just how rich and vibrant resilient investing can be; the write-ups are packed with detail, providing a solid introduction to the diversity of options available in each zone. As with any field guide, this detail is fascinating but perhaps best taken in small doses; digging in to a couple of these zones in a sitting may give you more than enough to chew on. If so, we suggest that you return to this section periodically. Of course, the book’s website fills out every zone in ways we can’t fit into a book.

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Medium 9780253010797

7 - “A Sort of Free Business”: Hyper-liberalization and Somali Transnationalism

Peter D. Little Indiana University Press ePub

Hyper-liberalization and Somali Transnationalism

IN JANUARY 2011 Somalia attained the unenviable status of being twenty years without a real central government, the longest period of statelessness in the post-World War I era. Less than a year earlier (July 1, 2010) the territory had marked fifty years of independence from colonial administration, an event that might have been a cause for celebration in most former colonies but was hardly noticed by local and international observers and media. Instead, what has brought renewed international attention to the country is the pesky presence of pirates off Somalia's coast and suspected terrorists on its lands.1 Indeed, Somalia and Somalis, including those in the growing diaspora, have suffered more than most Africans from stereotypes, poorly informed analyses, and the ravages of opportunistic criminals.

Notwithstanding these recent concerns as well as gripping humanitarian issues in the country, Somalia represents a particularly compelling case of what might be called hyper-liberalization, a stateless economy with no formal market regulations and a relatively duty-free trade milieu. One Somali trader explained that despite the presence of militia-controlled check posts and other impediments, “it is a sort of free business” (field notes, July 1998). A country where pastoralism is a key livelihood, it is the cheapest locale in East Africa to place an international phone call or transfer money and has among the highest percentage of mobile phone subscribers in the region (Hesse 2010). Without the presence of the IMF and World Bank, an economic plan, or government, it has attained some of the free market goals of structural adjustment programs (SAPs) that have confounded many other African countries, including those discussed in earlier chapters. Of course, what economic advances have been made in Somalia have occurred with significant human and other horrific costs.

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Medium 9781626565760

4 Who Broke Our Democracy?

Cressman, Derek Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

How Courts Have Struck Down Limits on Money in Politics

The concept that government may restrict the speech of some elements of our society in order to enhance the relative voice of others is wholly foreign to the first amendment.

—US Supreme Court, Buckley v. Valeo, 1976

If money is speech, as the Supreme Court says, then more money must be more persuasive speech, and those ideas with the most money behind them will tend to prevail. This is un-American.

—US Senator Barbara Boxer

When Senator James Buckley lost a political battle on the floor of the Senate in 1974, he didn’t get mad. He got even.

Senator Buckley strongly opposed the new campaign finance rules passed by Congress in the wake of Watergate. When President Gerald Ford signed the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) of 1974 into law, Buckley followed a great American tradition of sore losers.

He sued.

But before telling that story, let’s first meet James Buckley.

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Medium 9781576752814

6: The Rise and Fall of Empires

Garrison, James Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

IN LOOKING BACK AT THE IMPERIAL ACTIVITIES and attitudes of the ancient Greeks or Romans, Chinese or Muslims, we find the same imperial impulse that now grips America. There are the same issues of light and power, the same appetite to conquer land, populations, and resources, and the same ambitions, rivalries, virtues, and vices that make each empire both a replica of the same pattern and yet a drama all its own.

THE BEGINNINGS OF EMPIRE The earliest empires arose in what is called the Fertile Crescent, framed by the alluvial plains of the Tigris-Euphrates river basin. These rivers are thousands of miles long, originating in what is now Turkey and running parallel to one another until they empty as one river into the Persian Gulf. These majestic rivers enabled both commerce and travel over long distances. Their annual flooding, particularly the Euphrates, provided rich agricultural land. It was along the northern reaches of the Euphrates, in Syria-Palestine, that the Neolithic revolution began some ten thousand years ago, and humankind began the process of domesticating plants and animals.109

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Medium 9781609949778

6 Linking Actions to Impacts

Epstein, Marc J. Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Why are you here? What is your organization’s reason for existing? What does success mean to you? What would it take for you to be able to say, “Because of our investments, the world is a better place”? It is surprising how difficult these questions are to answer for many social purpose organizations. But if creating social change is important for you, it is essential to envision and describe exactly what changes you seek.

Even if you operate in dynamic environments and have rapidly changing goals, it is important to think about these questions on a regular basis. Without them, you may end up fighting fires or solving the problems that seem most salient at the moment, or you may be pulled to and fro trying to serve the interests of powerful stakeholders. Only when you are clear about the changes you hope to make can you start planning and executing the actions that will bring about those changes.

A good investment program begins with clear thinking about the desired social change. All of the key investors should understand, and ideally agree on, the organization’s ultimate mission. For companies, the mission often specifies the products or services to be delivered, the target market, and/or the specific set of customers they would like to see using these products and services. The strategy defines how the organization will deliver products to customers and, in competitive environments, how they will differentiate themselves from competitors in order to capture market share.

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Medium 9781576758625

13: The Future of Citizen Wealth

Rathke, Wade Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

The potential to create citizen wealth is almost limitless. The limits are in fact not simply the size of the federal or state treasuries, and we have now learned that there really are no limits when it comes to something the government wants to do, so perhaps we have to make government want families to have financial security. Doubtless, more money invested in citizen wealth or asset-building strategies for lower- and working-income families would help. The government is already spending a truckload on asset building, more even than it is spending on war. A central problem is how to get government to spend the money well and, perhaps more to the point, how to force government to spend it right so that the right people benefit from all this investment in citizen wealth. That is not happening now.

Estimates as current as 2006 indicate that asset-building incentives at the federal level alone carried a price tag of $367 billion for FY 2005.1 The money in many cases takes the form of tax credits or tax incentives in four categories:2

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Medium 9780253011404

3. Performing Democracy: State-Making through Patronage in Kyrgyzstan

MADELEINE REEVES Indiana University Press ePub

Based on fieldwork in a northern Kyrgyz village in 2007 and 2008, this chapter focuses on the interplay of localized democracy and patronage. Specifically, I draw on ethnographic materials to explore how the state was performed locally during the 2007 parliamentary electoral campaign, culminating in election day in December of that year. I discuss how an indigenized understanding of democracy was fostered through the activation of patronage networks and how, through the performance of the election, the democratic state came to be enacted. By learning the rules of the new electoral system—distributing merchandise such as calendars and hats with party logos, clarifying which documents were needed for the elections, and “dressing up” for the occasion—the villagers took an active part in the electoral process and thus in performing the state. But they also exercised their agency in performing democracy by circumventing and even violating the state’s procedural norms. Realizing that the officials in charge of the election were not impartial, those villagers who wanted to vote against the ruling party bribed the officials to ensure they would not manipulate the vote. The candidate of the opposition party was not only the favorite politician of the villagers; he was also a fellow villager and a local “big man” to whom most constituents were linked through patronage relations. While villagers acknowledged that the election itself was thus flawed, it was their active participation and moral investment in the event as such that constituted their sense of being part of a larger collective project of making the state.

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Medium 9780253015846

9 Those Who Said No

Samuli Schielke Indiana University Press ePub

 

One of the most tangible outcomes of the stormy season that began in January 2011 was the emergence of a new kind of political subjectivity among an active and visible minority of people who would often call themselves “revolutionaries” (implying that others speaking in the name of the revolution were not). This active minority participated in the ongoing protests against the Mubarak system, then against the military rule, then against the Muslim Brotherhood, and then finally broke up into mutually hostile camps after the establishment of the El-Sisi regime and the violent oppression of the Muslim Brotherhood in the summer of 2013. In ideological terms, they have been variously described as liberal, leftist, secular, and a gang of thugs. In practice, they had neither a clear ideology nor organization (in fact, they were and remain severely disorganized). Rather than being united by an ideology or organization, the revolutionaries were united by a common struggle and a shared affect of rejection.

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Medium 9780253018557

James Baldwin, 1963, and the House that Race Built

IU Press Journals Indiana University Press ePub

1963 TURNED OUT to be a cataclysmic moment in the centuries-long struggle of African slaves and their descendants to claim their dignity and human rights in the United States. It was the year of the centennial of the Emancipation Proclamation, and events of that year forced the nation to reckon with its past. A protracted protest campaign that Spring in Birmingham hastened the beginning of the end of racial segregation in public accommodations. On June 11, President John F. Kennedy delivered a civil rights speech to a national televised audience, proclaiming the Negro struggle for rights to be a “moral issue” necessitating a civil rights act. Later that night, civil rights activist Medgar Evers was gunned down by an assassin in his driveway in Jackson, Mississippi. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom drew over 200,000 people, mostly black, to the National Mall on August 28; the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham killed four young girls on September 15; and the assassination of Kennedy, who was still urging congress to pass a civil rights bill, stunned the nation on November 22.

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Medium 9780253018335

3 Confronting the Musical Past

Merih Erol Indiana University Press ePub

3    Confronting the Musical Past

FOR GREEK NATIONALISTS of the nineteenth century, the four hundred years between 1453 and 1821 were a time in which the Greek nation fell away from the scientific and cultural progress of Europe due to being under the oppressive rule of an oriental empire. Similarly to other post-Ottoman states, in the Kingdom of Greece, national history writing labeled this period “the Turkish yoke” and celebrated the rebirth of the nation that, supposedly, had essentially remained intact throughout the centuries of mixing with the “other.”1 The use of such terms as “Ottoman/Turkish tyranny or despotism” in Greek national historiography was, as an eminent scholar of the field has observed, a decontextualization of this term from its Enlightenment historical context and a usage that ultimately designated an eternal, divine Greek nation existing outside time and space.2

Not as controversial as the Ottoman heritage, yet still an uneasy past, was the medieval history. For some decades, until the middle link, Byzantium, was rediscovered, ancient Greece was the only reference for the identity of the modern nation. Notwithstanding, the appraisal of the merits of ancient civilization and the classical tradition was not taken for granted. This ambivalent attitude, which was owing to the strong shaping effect of the theological outlook of the Church on the Greek intelligentsia’s thinking, had a long history going back to the eighteenth century. In the words of the scholar of neo-Greek Enlightenment Paschalis Kitromilides, “in spite of its general receptivity to classical civilization, [the Greek Enlightenment] never managed to develop a unified posture on antiquity.”3 The Greek early Enlightenment, whose philosophical and ideological influence continued into the nineteenth century and later, was rather complex. Illuminating this, a well-known historian of the history of ideas in Europe has recently written that, in this era, Greek scholars were highly influenced by English philosophers such as Locke and Newton, and criticized the doctrines of the Greek Church yet still maintained a conservative theological and social outlook.4

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Medium 9781576752814

9: The Final Empire

Garrison, James Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

TRANSITIONS ARE TIMES OF ACUTE STRESS, disjunction, and upheaval. Apocalyptic visions of the end of the world abound, and values shift like sand in the desert. The old is breaking down and the new is emerging, but the new has not reached sufficient strength to seem reliable or secure. People cling to fundamentalist beliefs, whether religious fundamentalism or market fundamentalism. Periods of transition are thus times of crisis and alienation. Opportunity and abundance can come from such times, but only if there is an invigorating vision of future possibility. Old beliefs and practices must be surrendered and new ways of living and relating embraced, but this requires a strength of spirit and fortitude of mind uncommon in ordinary times.

Leadership during periods of historical turbulence and change is supremely challenging. It must enable the people to abandon what they hold as secure, but which is actually insufficient, and embrace what seems insecure but is potentially sufficient. This can only be done through a vision of the future that instills hope in human possibility. It can only be accomplished with an illumination of light so intense that people surrender their fear of the darkness and are emboldened to take a leap of faith into a new age.

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Medium 9781626563179

Appendix: Boiling in Our Own Water

Mintzberg, Henry Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

A Rant on the State of
Our Imbalance, with Some
Suggestions for Change

A WELL-KNOWN ADAGE claims that if you put a frog in hot water, it will jump out, but if you put it in cold water and gradually turn up the heat, the frog will remain until it boils to death. Are we boiling in our own water?

Consider the points of this appendix in their entirety. Many may be familiar, but together they tell the story of a world that is dangerously out of balance. Either we stop this, or it stops us. (A fuller version of what follows can be accessed in the original pamphlet at www.mintzberg.org, on pages 77–106.)

In today’s world, we glorify consumption while we consume ourselves and our planet. “In the past, we had to work in order to produce useful things. Today, we have to consume useless things in order to work” (Sibley 2006).

We “harvest” the fish of the sea, as if we own everything that lives, while chemicals that don’t live destroy much that does. Are we in a race to discover whether our collective suicide will come from without—be that pollution, global warming, nuclear holocaust—or from within, thanks to the chemical stews that we ingest, inhale, and absorb?

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Medium 9780253354303

4 Terrorism

Thomas G. Weiss Indiana University Press ePub

• Antecedents: Putting 9/11 into Context

• Knowledge Gaps: Confronting Alternative Hypotheses

• Normative Gaps: Democracy, Human Rights, and the Elusive Definition

• Policy Gaps: Group Grievances, Intractable Conflicts, Poverty Alleviation, WMDs

• Institutional Gaps: Making Better Use of Existing Capacities

• Compliance Gaps: Mixing National and International Measures

• Conclusion: Steps to Controlling the Global Menace

On 11 September 2001—now usually referred to as 9/11—global terrorism struck at the symbolic headquarters of global power and globalization. This was followed over the next five years by other horrific terrorist attacks in such locations as Bali, Madrid, Beslan, Tel Aviv, London, and Mumbai.1 Iraq witnessed more acts of terrorism than anywhere else in 2004–2008; there, the preferred modus operandi of large-scale car bombings was complemented by the kidnapping and beheading of foreigners. These examples confirm that terrorism is indeed, in the words of a 2002 UN report, “an assault on the principles of law, order, human rights and peaceful settlement of disputes on which the . . . [UN] was founded.”2

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Medium 9780253014184

4. The Great Depression and Economic Policy

Ballard C. Campbell Indiana University Press ePub

PHOTOGRAPHS CAPTURED THE tragedy of the Great Depression. Bleak expressions of men slouched on park benches, small groups huddled around ashcan fires near closed factories, lines queued for blocks outside food kitchens, families with their belongings bundled onto ancient autos, shacks in the shadow of city skyscrapers. These poignant images are unmistakable signs of hard times in the 1930s. Yet the pictorial record only hints at the wounds the Depression caused. Survivors of these years remembered the frustration, humiliation, and despair. The trauma of joblessness immobilized some, who became recluses; others got on by stealing food and clothes and by adopting, one recounted, “a coyote mentality.” A few could not face the personal failure of unemployment or financial ruin and found a way out by suicide. Most Americans, however, chose less extreme remedies. They coped with hard times, as people generally do, by becoming cautious, tightening their belts financially, and postponing major decisions such as marriage and children. Many dreams of becoming a doctor, a scientist, a writer evaporated in the struggle to earn a living.1

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