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5 Work

Jorge Antonio Renaud University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter five



t comes as a shock to the mostly lazy, unskilled criminals who come into the Texas prison system that, unlike the federal system or most other state prisons, Texas inmates must work. And they do not get paid. Anything. (More on the financial situation in Chapter nine: Money.) Inside and outside, in snow and rain, day and night, whenever TDCJ needs something done, chances are that an inmate is assigned to do it.

Most inmates who are physically fit are first assigned to work in the fields, in what are called work squads, hoe squads, or sometimes just the

Line. The Line is not actually considered a job. It is a way of indoctrinating inmates—especially younger, first-time inmates—to the system, and it is punishment for inmates losing other jobs through disciplinary infractions. Sometimes, it is just punishment for angering the wrong officer.

On most units, the Line does field work. Inmates in the fields plant, weed, thin, and harvest fruits and vegetables. Texas prison crops range from watermelons, peanuts, eggplants, and beets to the more traditional vegetables and, of course, King Cotton.

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Medium 9781902375014

6.5 Recommendations for implementation

Low Sui Pheng Chartridge Books Oxford ePub


ISO 9000 for small construction firms

6.1 Introduction

The application of ISO 9000 Quality Management Systems (QMS) seems to be confined presently to the larger construction firms and not their smaller counterparts. However, many of the smaller firms are employed by large construction firms as their subcontractors. It therefore appears that QMS should also be extended to the smaller construction firms if the long-term objective of developing a construction industry which is capable of producing consistently good quality work is to be achieved (Low, 1995). This chapter presents the findings of a survey which examined the reasons why small construction firms are not receptive to ISO 9000. It also suggests measures to overcome some of the hurdles currently faced by small construction firms when developing and implementing quality management systems within their organisations. Total Quality Management within the construction industry can be achieved only when both large and small contractors have implemented quality management systems in their operations.

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10 After Namudno: The Shape of Future Litigation

Edited by Daniel McCool Indiana University Press ePub

The most significant legal challenge in nearly three decades to Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act (VRA), Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District Number One v. Holder, 129 S.Ct. 2504 (2009) (“NAMUDNO”), was decided by the Supreme Court on June 22, 2009. In an 8-1 opinion, the justices overturned a lower court decision that had denied a small Travis County, Texas, suburban jurisdiction from seeking a “bailout” from the “preclearance” provision of the act. But it is what the justices did not do – strike down the act as unconstitutional – that matters most for the critics and defenders of this provision. Some have speculated that it is only a matter of time before the constitutional issue once again presents itself to the High Court, while others believe the issue has been dodged indefinitely. Who is right?

Some background on the case will be useful for understanding the court’s opinion and what is likely to happen next. The 1965 Voting Rights Act was, as the Supreme Court recognized in this opinion, a “historic accomplishment” designed to end the official governmental barriers to voting that blacks faced in the Deep South by eliminating any type of literacy test, providing federal voting registrars, and criminalizing harassment of black voters. These objectives were enforced through two provisions: Section 4(b), which pinpointed the states and jurisdictions where black disenfranchisement was the most pernicious, and Section 5, the “preclearance” requirement, which was to end the never-ending gamesmanship by southern election officials that was used to prevent blacks from registering to vote.

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Appendix D – Commissary Spending Limits

Jorge Antonio Renaud The University of North Texas Press ePub


Commissary Spending Limits

As of August 2001, the following limits on commissary spending were in effect for inmates in TDCJ-ID, applied according to custody level.

G1, G2, and G3 Minimum—$75 every two weeks, raised to $100 on certain holidays

G4 Medium—$30 every two weeks

G5 Close—$20 every two weeks

Administrative Segregation:

Level I—$60 every two weeks

Level II—one item of each hygiene and correspondence, not to exceed $10, every two weeks

Level III—correspondence supplies not to exceed $10, every two weeks

(Source; TDCJ-ID Classification plan, Revised Nov. 1999)

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7 Working from the Inside Out: Decarcerate!

Schenwar, Maya Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

This could be your brother, your son, or your father. This is what’s in our future. We have to stop it.

—Reginald Akkeem Berry, on the need to oppose supermax prisons

In 2006, a letter was slipped in through the door slat in Johnnie Walton’s cell. Johnnie was living—twenty-three hours a day—in a seventy-square-foot cell furnished with a concrete bed, a solid steel door, and a window through which little light traveled. Through the slat in the door, three times a day, Johnnie’s meals appeared. For one hour each day, Johnnie was permitted solitary “recreation” in a small pen just outside his cell.

The same routine went for the roughly 250 other prisoners in Tamms, the supermax prison that had opened in Southern Illinois in 1998. Practices at Tamms were similar to those in other supermax prisons and “Secure Housing Units” (such as the one Abraham Macías occupies at Pelican Bay) around the country: The prison, with no yard, no chapel, no dining hall, no library, and no phone calls (unless a close relative was dying), was designed to extinguish the outside world for the men trapped within.

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