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CHAPTER TWO: ALL HANDS ON DECK Logistics for the High Latitudes

Dian Olson Belanger University Press of Colorado ePub

The Seabees go now and build camps, the stargazers come later.

—Seabee, Deep Freeze I, 19551

When Captain George Dufek reported for command of the U.S. Naval Support Force, Antarctica (Task Force 43), on 16 August 1954, charged to ensure all logistical support for the International Geophysical Year, he knew the Navy had “exactly two years and ten months to lay out the red carpet for the scientists.” The scientific community might continue its Antarctic IGY planning right to the eve of departure, but Dufek could lose no time in marshaling the necessary personnel, ships, aircraft, land transport, equipment, materials, and supplies. To have seven stations built and fully functioning by 1 July 1957, the first expedition would have to be en route by early November 1955. This would allow one season to establish the first two bases, at McMurdo Sound and Little America. From these footholds there would be but one more short austral summer to build the two incomparably more difficult inland stations, as well as the three widely scattered coastal latecomers, even as the scientists were arriving. The northern summer and fall would be frantic.2

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8. The Red River Campaign and the Camden Expedition

Robert W. Lull University of North Texas Press ePub

Chapter Eight

The Red River Campaign and the Camden Expedition

The Red River Campaign was a Union effort to take the war into Texas. Its objectives were to stall Emperor Maximilian of Mexico in his threats to the borderlands and potential alliance with the Confederacy; take control of cotton production resources in the Southwest; and crush the Confederate determination west of the Mississippi. The stage for this campaign was set with the Union victories at Vicksburg and Port Hudson in July 1863. The Union had successfully cleaved the Confederacy. It was time to exploit the gains.1

The overall strategy was a multi-axis attack on Confederates in the Trans-Mississippi southwest. Army and Navy would work together under Major General Nathaniel Banks and Rear Admiral David Porter. Banks would move west from New Orleans overland and link up with Admiral Porter, and his flotilla of gunboats moving up the Red River. They would then push north up the Red River with Shreveport as their target. Simultaneously, Union Major General Frederick Steele’s VII Corps (with thirty-eight regiments in three divisions, with approximately twelve thousand men) was to strike southwest from Little Rock to Shreveport and link with Banks—setting the stage for an invasion of Texas.2 Williams’ First Kansas Colored Infantry was part of Steele’s command.

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3. The Transition Era

Ballard C. Campbell Indiana University Press ePub

JULIAN WEST GAZED in amazement at his native Boston. It was not the city he remembered. Marvelous public structures adorned an immaculate landscape where hovels once stood. Doors were left unlocked because burglars no longer prowled the night; with “care and crime” abolished, thieves had vanished. The reconstruction of society had closed the chasm between the “wanton luxury” of the rich and the “general misery” of the masses. Now all members of a classless community shared equally in the nation’s expanded bounty. Who managed this utopia, Julian West asked? Government, his host replied. “The nation guarantees the nurture, education and comfortable maintenance of every citizen from the cradle to the grave.”1

This was Boston in the year 2000, more than a century after Julian West had fallen into a “mesmerized” sleep. The America he remembered had been torn by economic warfare, in which greedy entrepreneurs battled for financial survival. The winners of these wars had accumulated fortunes befitting royalty, but the cost of their victories was high. Economic titans had swallowed up competitors, allowing the control of industry to fall into “a few powerful hands.” In this “era of corporate tyranny,” many businesses transformed themselves into trusts and monopolies by forming syndicates and fixing prices. In this drive to crush rivals, corporate cutthroat competition had caused the “maim and slaughter” of workers and the waste of talent and resources. Capitalism of the Cleveland era thrived on the “brutal side of human nature.”

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4. The Death of Crazy Horse

Edited and Annotated by Charles M. Robinson III University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter 4

The Death of Crazy Horse

Bourke’s retrospective continues. hen, finally, after many days of waiting, it was announced at Red Cloud Agency that Ta-Sunca-Uit-Co, Crazy Horse was on his way in to surrender it was understood at once that our campaigning days in the Department of the Platte were over and that the Sioux problem, as a problem, was solved. No further resistance was to be expected from a coalition of the bands of this great nation; the leader, who could organize such a coalition and hold its elements together by the force of his intellect and will, was about to bury the hatchet.

Sitting Bull,1 who has gained such a reputation from the jottings of journalists, has not and never has had the influence possessed by

Crazy Horse.

He is without power among the Southern Dakotas whose reservations have always been magazines of men and material for Crazy

Horse.

Any trouble which Sitting Bull may make will be that which any other ill-disposed Indian demagogue may make; trouble demanding prompt and energetic measures for its suppression, but not taxing

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6 The Limits of Interracial Cooperation

Mark Ellis Indiana University Press ePub

In february 1926, W. E. B. Du Bois told readers of the Crisis that the Commission on Interracial Cooperation (CIC) represented “the definite breaking up of the effort of the South to present morally and socially a solid front to the world.”1 He arrived at this judgment gradually, knowing that many equal-rights activists would disagree, and despite mixed signals regarding the interracial cooperation movement’s stand on segregation, black welfare, education, the vote, and lynching. Du Bois felt certain, at least, that the movement was more than a postwar reaction to migration, riots, and radicalism, and that it sincerely opposed the Klan and enjoyed the support of many southern black leaders; less clear were the movement’s democratic aims, its economic outlook, its ultimate social objectives, and its views on race itself. At the close of the decade, Du Bois would conclude with disappointment that, in fact, white southern liberals such as Jack Woofter were dishonest and incapable of leading real and lasting change.

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