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7. Voluntary and Involuntary Homebodies: Adaptations and Lived Experiences of Hausa “Left Behind” in Niamey, Niger

Abdoulaye Kane Indiana University Press ePub


This chapter explores the important roles played by Hausa communities in Niamey, Niger, in the ongoing creation of the global Hausa diaspora.1 For centuries Hausa have been a “traveling culture” (Clifford 1997) famous for their skills in building long-distance trading networks. Most Hausa of Niger eke out a living through circular migration, raising millet, sorghum, and beans under difficult Sahelian conditions during three- to four-month rainy seasons, and also focusing on labor or trade in the informal economies of Niamey and dozens of other West African cities—many of which have longstanding disapora communities of Hausa settlers—during long dry seasons.

During the past fifty years, Hausa have creatively adapted to post-colonial conditions and global neoliberalism through accelerating rural exodus and long-term or permanent out-migration within West and North Africa and to more distant locations in Europe and North America. An impressive body of literature examines the culturally specific ways Nigerien and Nigerian Hausa experience and navigate transnational processes while establishing communities in Ibadan, Nigeria (Cohen 1969), Accra, Ghana (Pellow 2008), Kumasi, Ghana (Schildkrout 1978), Lomé, Togo (Agier 1983), Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire (Toure 1990), Chad (Works 1976), Morocco (Maghnia 2001), Tunisia (Jankowsky 2001), Libya (Yamba 1995), Sudan (Yamba 1995), Saudi Arabia (Yamba 1995), Paris (Thomas 2006), and New York (Stoller 2002; Youngstedt 2004a), among other places. Indeed, some evidence strongly suggests that are at least as many Nigeriens living outside the country as within it (particularly if this includes first- and second-generation emigrants).

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Carter Hart

Edited by Campbell and Lynn Loughmiller University of North Texas Press PDF

Introducing Carter Hart

Carter was a bear hunter, and, to him, it was the greatest sport on earth. He didn't hunt bear for meat, though he ate what he killed, or because they killed wild hogs, which people depended on for food. "Some of the biggest bear hunters didn't have hogs," he said. "It was sport, pure and simple, but the hardest work on earth."

Carter did much of his hunting with the Hooks brothers, Bud and Ben, eminent bear hunters who had a hunting camp in the Big Thicket south of Kountze. Incidentally, the first bear he ever killed was with Bud Hooks, and the last one was with Ben. A lasting picture of Carter, a friend said, was of him out in the backyard cooking for his dogs--meat scraps and cornmeal. He'd use an old iron pot and cook enough to feed his pack for two or three days.

For all his love of the hunt, I believe he would rather lose his top dog than to exaggerate in telling of it. Judge Hightower, noted judge and noted hunter, once remarked that Carter could talk longer than any man he ever saw without telling a lie, and he paid him a notable compliment by leaving him his favorite gun when he died. Carter once remarked that the biggest bear he ever saw weighed 640 pounds, but he did not say that he killed it till I asked.

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6 “Regenerating” the Afro-Cuban Family, 1886–1940

Karen Y. Morrison Indiana University Press ePub



Enrique Andreu (1915)


Te canto por ser negra; pues, en la vida

I sing to you, woman, for being black,

todo cuanto sea negro es de mi amor

for in Life all that is black has my love

que, con luto, su espíritu prestigia

And that, with mourning, your spirit valorizes

en voluptuosidades raras de color . . .

In rare pleasures of color . . .

Nada me importa el histórico pasado

It does not matter to me, the historic past

vivido por tu raza, ni su fausta leyenda;

Lived by your race, nor its Faustian legend,

cual pintor unicromo, sólo el matiz recabo

Which the monochromatic painter only outlines

del paisaje previsto a través de la senda.

As a landscape seen only from the road.

Mis ritos pasionales perecen [pues] muy negra;

My passionate rites perish [then] very black,

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8. The Period of Japanese Colonial Rule (1910–1945)

Jinwung Kim Indiana University Press ePub

The fateful Korean-Japanese annexation treaty not only culminated the process of Japan’s domination of Korea but heralded the demise of the Chosŏn dynasty. Despite the people’s resentment and bitter opposition, Korea had become a colony of the Japanese empire. Following annexation, the Japanese began a 35-year period of colonial rule that profoundly affected the manner in which modern Korea took shape.

Japanese colonial rule in Korea was unusually harsh and destructive, producing virtually no benefit for the Korean people. It was severely systemic and pervasive, an extension of ingrained feudal attitudes that even today influence the behavior of the Japanese toward one another. Having assigned the Koreans an inferior status, Japanese colonial administrators, with unlimited zeal, naturally applied the hierarchical standards of their own society to the Koreans. Japan built huge bureaucracies in Korea, all of them highly centralized and too big by colonial standards. In the mid-1930s, in India, some 12,000 British governed 340 million Indians (a ratio of 1 to 28,000), whereas in Korea approximately 52,000 Japanese ruled 22 million Koreans (1 to 420). The Koreans could not escape the tight control of a police state, where their political suppression by Japan was thorough and far-reaching. Free speech, free press, suffrage, and representative government were totally absent. Korea escaped the harsh Japanese colonial rule only in August 1945, when Japan yielded to the U.S. and Soviet onslaught that brought an end to World War II.

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CHAPTER TWO Tracing the Route

Wallace G. Lewis University Press of Colorado ePub

AS DESCRIBED IN CHAPTER 1, monuments and statues—once the traditional means of commemorating individuals idolized by the public—were eventually erected to honor William Clark and Meriwether Lewis. But the fascination that cast its spell over an increasing number of history buffs was inspired at least as much by the land and the routes taken through that land as it was by the people who made up the Corps of Discovery, in part because of the written records of the expedition. Without those records there would be no Lewis and Clark National Historic Trail today, since virtually no material trace remains of the group’s journey. The journals provide a unique glimpse of the western regions through which the expedition passed—a description of the appearance of the land in the early years of the nineteenth century. The landscape has often changed dramatically since then. The Lewis and Clark trail—the combination of routes from Wood River to the Pacific Ocean and back to St. Louis, as described in the journals—became for Americans in the second half of the twentieth century the most genuine memorial to the explorers’ names.

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