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Memoir 60 “Chi and Cheng”

Ssu-ma Ch'ien Indiana University Press ePub

Chi [An] and Cheng [Tang-shih], Memoir 60

translated by Jakob Pöllath and Andreas Siegl

Chi An

[3105] Chi An 汲黯 had the agnomen Chang-ju 長孺; he was a man from P’uyang 濮陽.1 His ancestors were favored by the former Lord of Wey 衛.2 Down to [Chi] An there were seven generations,3 in each of them one served as minister or great official. [Chi] An was employed because of his father’s privilege4 and at the time of [Emperor] Hsiao Ching 孝景 (r. 157–141 BC) served as Forerunner of the Heir Apparent.5 He was feared for his sternness. [After] Hsiao Ching-ti passed away and the heir ascended to the throne (141 BC), [Chi] An was made Internuncio. [At the time when the people of] Tung Yüeh 東越 attacked one another, the Sovereign sent [Chi] An to go there and inspect this.6 He did not arrive [there but instead,] when he arrived in Wu, he returned and reported saying: “That the people of Yüeh are attacking each other is certainly [due to] their custom being that way. It is not worth to disgrace an envoy of the Son of Heaven on account of this.” There was a conflagration in Ho-nei 河內7 that spread to burn down more than a thousand households. The Sovereign sent [Chi] An to go there and inspect this. He returned and reported, saying: “[Whenever] a conflagration happens among the commoners, spreading over a neighborhood and burning [it] down, it is not worth worrying [about it]. [But when] your servant passed through Ho-nan 河南,8 amongst the poor people in Ho-nan there were more than ten thousand households which were suffering from flood or drought, in some fathers and sons fed on one another.9 Your servant has cautiously, according to what was expedient and appropriate, [used] the [imperial] caduceus he carried to distribute millet from the Ho-nan 河南 granary, so as to relieve the poor. Your servant asks to return the caduceus and lies prostrate [to await the punishment for] the crime of forging an imperial order.” The Sovereign thought him worthy and therefore set him free. He transferred him to become Prefect of Hsing-yang 滎陽.10 [Chi] An felt humiliated to be made prefect and returned to his home town on account of illness. The Sovereign heard of this and only then appointed him Palace Grandee. Because he sharply remonstrated [with the emperor] several times, he could not remain long at court, and was transferred to serve as Grand Administrator of Tung-hai 東海.11 As [Chi] An had studied the teachings of Huang-Lao 黃老, in his managing the officials and ordering the people he valued peace and calm. He chose assistants and scribes and left things to them. In his way of governing he supervised only the most important things and did not get lost in the details. [Chi] An was often ill, he lay in his inner quarters and did not go out. [Still,] after [a little] more than a year, Tung-hai was well governed, and he was praised [for it]. The Sovereign heard of this and summoned him to make him Chief Commandant over the Nobility, ranking him among the nine ministers. [His way of] governing lay simply in quiescence, he expanded [his actions to fit] the general political situation [and] did not restrict himself to the articles of the law.12

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5 Making Places in Space: Miners and Collectors in Guanajuato and Tucson

Elizabeth Emma Ferry Indiana University Press ePub


Figure 5.1, a map featured in a report titled Potencial Minero de Guanajuato (Franco 1997) shows Guanajuato’s centrality in Mexico, in particular the fact that over 60 percent of the country’s population lives within a 350-kilometer radius (thus implying the density of infrastructure and services). The radiating circles on the map give an image of the mines and city of Guanajuato as a central origin point, with its subsoil resources expanding centrifugally to the rest of the country, and by extension, the world.

This image and the sensibility behind it contrast with many other views of the movement of mineral resources from mines to market, both for “regular people” and for social scientists. Within such views, for instance, mined ores such as silver, gold, or copper are quintessential raw materials, extracted from the “ends of the earth” and brought to the centers of global finance in New York and London. Likewise, mineral specimens are produced in geographically distant places and brought to Tucson, Munich, Denver, and other mineral marketplaces. In fact, even when minerals come from near these marketplaces, they are often treated as pristine emissaries of the margins of the cultural world. People also move from all over to a central meeting point at these mineral shows. Tucson, in particular, is called the “Mecca for mineral collectors,” emphasizing its role as a pilgrimage site and meeting place for the faithful all over the planet.1

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20 Ethnicity and the Reporting of Mass Murder: Krakivs’ki visti, the NKVD Murders of 1941, and the Vinnytsia Exhumation

OMER BARTOV Indiana University Press ePub


Violent discourse and discourse supportive of violence accompanied the conflicts that raged in the borderlands in the twentieth century. Here we look at an example of this that is particularly interesting because it involves the mass violence of two of the major competitors for the borderlands, Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, in a discourse formulated in understanding with Germany by one of the autochthonous peoples of the region, the Ukrainians. It concerns crimes against humanity committed by the Soviet authorities as they were used in propaganda to justify the violence of the German occupiers and those who collaborated with them.

Specifically, this chapter looks at two incidents in which mass violence perpetrated by the Soviet political police, the NKVD, was exposed in the Ukrainian press under German occupation. The first incident is murders committed in the summer of 1941. After Germany and the Soviet Union put an end to the multinational Second Polish Republic in September 1939, the Ukrainian territories, Eastern Galicia and Volhynia, were incorporated into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. The Soviets immediately undertook a massive deportation of the regions’ Poles to Siberia, the first in a series of ethnic cleansings and genocides to unfold on the Polish–Ukrainian borderlands over the following eight years. Certain categories of Jews and a relatively small number of Ukrainians were also deported by the Soviets in 1939–41. The new Communist authorities Ukrainianized the region by subduing and deporting the Polish elite, but persecuted Ukrainian nationalists. When Germany attacked the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941, the prisons of Galicia and Volhynia happened to be full of Ukrainian nationalists, but also, in the larger cities, Jewish and Polish political prisoners. Because of the rapidity of the German advance into the new western borderlands of the USSR, the NKVD proved unable to evacuate these prisoners before the Germans would arrive. Not wishing to leave them as potential collaborators with the invaders, they killed them hastily. Thousands of corpses were found in prison basements after the Germans took the cities and towns of Western Ukraine.1 The Nazis used these gruesome discoveries for propaganda and also to incite a series of murderous pogroms against the Jews by local inhabitants throughout the western borderlands.2

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TWO Stirring the Political Pot

David R. Berman University Press of Colorado ePub

In the early 1890s Arizonans had two major causes: statehood and free silver. The two major parties agreed on these goals, but neither was willing to offer much in terms of political reform or to challenge corporations in the interests of labor. This left room for the emergence of a third party. The pressure for change in this direction was stimulated further by a chain of events—a severe economic downturn, the repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act, and the Pullman Strike.

Arizona’s population grew from 88,243 in 1890 to 122,931 in 1900.1 Many prominent Arizonans viewed favorable economic and population trends as proof that the territory was ready to make the transition to statehood. Statehood meant self-government, a step upward in status, and full participation in national politics. It also meant getting away from “carpetbag rule”—being governed as the South had been after the Civil War by appointed officials from the North and the East.

Opposition to statehood in the US Congress was rooted largely in partisan considerations. Republicans were in charge and saw little value in creating a state that was likely to send Democrats to the nation’s capital.2 Many members of Congress were put off by Arizonans’ commitment to free silver in the 1890s.3 In calling for free silver, Arizonans joined a national effort demanding that the federal government return to the bimetallic gold and silver standard it had abandoned in 1873 by purchasing silver bullion for conversion into silver dollars without limit at a ratio of sixteen grains of silver to one grain of gold.

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6 - With Angelo Donati in Nice, November 1942 to June 1943

Zuccotti, Susan Indiana University Press ePub


WHILE LIFE BECAME FAR MORE DANGEROUS FOR PÈRE MARIE-Benoît, Joseph Bass, and their helpers and Jewish protégés when the Germans seized much of formerly unoccupied France toward the end of 1942, there was one important geographical exception. As the Germans moved south that November, the Italian army moved west to occupy ten French departments or parts of departments east of the Rhône, including the cities of Nice, Cannes, Valence, Grenoble, and Vienne.1 In that new Italian zone, Jews and rescuers alike found conditions that were very different from those under both Vichy and subsequent German rule.

The nature of the Italian occupation was not immediately apparent. After all, as early as 1938 Benito Mussolini had decreed anti-Jewish laws in Italy that were as severe as the Nuremberg laws in the Third Reich. And for the most part, those laws had been thoroughly enforced. Furthermore, when Mussolini declared war on the side of the Germans in June 1940, thousands of foreign Jewish men throughout Italy were rounded up and interned in camps that initially were almost as wretched as those in France. When the Italians later occupied territories abroad, in southern Greece, along the Dalmatian coast, and finally in southeastern France, they brought their anti-Jewish laws with them. At first Jews in those areas were apprehensive.

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