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3. A Growing Sense of Identity (1880–1900)

by Richard F. Selcer UNT Press ePub

Chapter 3

The 1880s to the end of the century were mostly good times for the citizens of Fort Worth. The economy was booming thanks to the cattle and railroad industries, and the population was growing exponentially: more than 400 percent in the twenty years. Most of the newcomers were white, but the black population also grew modestly. In 1880, the city had a total population of 6,718 out of a county of 24,671 people. There are no numbers for the black population of the city, but the county as a whole had 2,160 or roughly 11.4 percent of the total population. Five years later, the white population of the city had increased to approximately 9,000 of whom 4 percent were black, which comes out to 360 black residents. The numbers are hard to correlate since we are dealing with two different sets of numbers (county and city), but the disparity between black population of the county versus that of the city suggests that the great majority of blacks in Tarrant County resided outside the city. That makes sense because most were engaged in agricultural work. The percentage of blacks in the city’s population would continue to rise until by 1900 it reached 10 percent.1

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12 Mining on the Docket of Public Opinion: The Environmental Age

Smith, Duane A. University Press of Colorado ePub

Almost from the days of the Pike’s Peak gold rush, there had been Coloradans and others concerned about mining’s impact on the environment. The reasons have been many, but the discussions and actions generally were local. Rossiter Raymond raised the issue of the destruction of trees in a national forum, but Rico dealt with the problem at its immediate community level.

Sitting beside her adored O-Be-Joyful Creek, in the heart of the Gunnison country, Helen Hunt Jackson mused about the effects of mining. To her, the sparkling stream and the nearby field of purple asters were far more valuable than the minerals for which the prospectors searched and the miners dug. “There is no accounting for differences in values; no adjusting them either, unluckily.”1 Central City in the 1860s, and Telluride in the 1890s, became concerned about mining pollution in their water sources, but, faced with the prospect of harming their economic base, chose a prosperous economy over public health.

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Chapter 13. “disrupting a young economy”

David Johnson University Of North Texas Press ePub



“disrupting a young economy”

IN CALIFORNIA, HIS SISTERS, unaware of John’s shooting of Louis Hancock, were involved in a different sort of activity. On December 11 Coleman Younger gave a dinner party for a number of his friends. “The Misses Ringo, nieces of the Colonel, and children of pioneers were there; also Miss Fox and Miss Mary White” among others. Mary Enna had reason to be merry, having graduated from the State Normal School of San Jose the previous May.1

Ringo arrived in Arizona in 1879 as Tombstone was being established. Destined to eclipse other mining camps, Tombstone was more like Virginia City than the cattle towns of Wichita or Dodge City. James C. Hancock recalled Tombstone as a “rich mining camp” with “first class restaurants.”

The Can-Can restaurant was named after a very popular dance performed at the Bird Cage by two or more couples in which the ladies were somewhat scantily clad. The Oriental saloon was not considered a very safe place if a man was known to have money on him. The Crystal Palace was the finest saloon in the camp, and the bar and fixtures were equal to any in San Francisco. . . . Nearly all traveling theatrical troops stopped over and put on their shows at the Bird Cage unless it was some high brow outfit and these generally showed at Scheifflein’s Hall. Tombstone had the air and personality of the old time mining camps of Nevada in the Comstock days where everybody had money and demanded the best.2

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2. The Lean Years (1853–1876)

Selcer, Richard F. Texas State Historical Assn Press ePub


THE LEAN YEARS (1853–1876)

THE TWO DECADES AFTER 1853 were lean years for the little community. Early on, it was clear that Fort Worth without its U.S. Army patron would need some kind of edge over other settlements in the area if it were going to survive. Wood, water, and grass were not enough. The residents set their sights on getting the county seat designation for Tarrant County. Their only competition was Birdville, some ten miles to the northeast. The communal battle raged through two elections and some electoral shenanigans before Fort Worth finally won the county seat designation. In the end, the deciding factor may have been the whiskey served at the Fort Worth polling place or the fifteen votes imported from Wise County. Fort Worth won the election by a scant thirteen votes, putting the town on the map for the first time. The bad feelings lingered for many years, and in 1860 the legislature had to intervene to settle the issue once and for all.1 So Fort Worth progressed from being a military post to being an administrative seat.

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4. Applying Historical GIS beyond the Academy: Four Use Cases for the Great Britain HGIS

IAN N GREGORY Indiana University Press ePub


Applying Historical GIS beyond the Academy: Four Use Cases for the Great Britain HGIS


MANY HISTORICAL GIS PROJECTS ARE THE WORK OF INDIVIDUAL scholars, carried out in their own research time without external funding. Most of the projects that do receive external funding are relatively small scale, employing a single research assistant to work alongside the principal investigator. However, a small minority of HGIS research projects are among the most expensive projects of any kind in the arts and humanities. They are also more expensive than most nonhistorical academic projects using GIS technology. This is because the latter can use the vast bodies of georeferenced data describing the modern world that are available from national mapping agencies and through remote sensing. Conversely, even where historical maps are available, the historical researcher needs to scan, georeference, and probably vectorize them; and often spatial data need to be constructed from textual information containing geographical names, not coordinates.

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