5617 Chapters
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Medium 9780253015365

6 The Hayes Conquest (1923–1924)

Christopher A. Brooks Indiana University Press ePub


The Hayes Conquest


Roland crisscrossed Europe like an evangelist proselytizing among the unconverted. With Howard Jordan, his personal assistant, and Leo Rosenek, his accompanist, who was an up-and-coming pianist and later a conductor, Roland traveled from Vienna to Graz and from Budapest to Karlsbad, channeling his mourning into exquisite performances. Countess Marguerite Hoyos, daughter of Austro-Hungarian nobility, had heard and met Roland in Vienna. She was so moved by his performance she wrote a letter to her friend Countess Bertha Henriette Katharina Nadine Colloredo-Mansfeld enthusiastically suggesting that she call on this new tenor sensation when he debuted in Prague.1

The thirty-six-year-old tenor arrived in Prague in October 1923. He retreated to a comfortable hotel suite, unaware of the social currents eddying in the capital of the five-year-old Czechoslovak Republic. Politics permeated the city, and the art scene was no exception. Concertgoers from all levels of society flocked to music halls, each group wary, if not suspicious, of others in attendance. The tension was as palpable as the situation was complex. Industrialized Czechs holding economic advantage over rural Slovaks vigorously championed the unifying virtues of the common language they shared.2 The German minority, despite the downfall of the Hapsburg Empire, kept a tight grip on their economic interests by closely guarding what remained of their old cultural influence.3

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Medium 9780253009531

4 Ethnicity, Autochthony, and the Politics of Belonging

Carola Lentz Indiana University Press ePub

PROPERTY ISNOT about things . . . but about relationships between and among persons with regard to things,” as Sally Falk Moore once succinctly observed.1 Property rights over, and access to, land are mediated by membership in specific communities, ranging from the nuclear or extended family, the clan, first-comers, or the ethnic group, to, in modern property regimes, the nation-state. The boundaries of these property-holding groups were and continue to be notoriously ambiguous; membership is often contested and needs to be (re)negotiated and validated. Furthermore, just as land tenure is governed by multiple, often competing sets of rules, and various institutions claim authority over the allocation of rights, so is belonging complex and layered, as Jean-Pierre Jacob and Pierre-Yves Le Meur argue.2 Currently, invoking shared national citizenship, for instance, is often not enough to guarantee effective access to, and durable rights over, landed resources outside one’s “home” community. Yet how broadly or narrowly “home” is defined, and who is regarded as belonging to the local citizens who enjoy full economic and political rights, are contentious issues.

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Medium 9780253339638

3. “The Responsibility cannot be Thrown on my Shoulders”

Brian K. Burton Indiana University Press ePub

“The Responsibility Cannot Be Thrown on My Shoulders”

GEORGE MCCLELLAN HAD A PLAN to succeed in this decisive battle. He thought his army had been poorly supported and he was sure the rebels outnumbered him, but he had the big siege guns that would equalize matters. All he needed was a place to put them. Others were thinking along the same lines. On June 24 Brig. Gen. William F. Smith asked McClellan to come to his VI Corps division's front, which was next to the south bank of the Chickahominy at a place called Golding's Farm. Smith had turned thirty-eight earlier in the year. The Vermont native graduated fourth in the West Point class of 1845 (the same class that produced the Confederate Whiting) and, like all high-ranking graduates, had chosen the engineers. After a prewar career at West Point and other places, he had been a staff officer at Bull Run and became a brigade commander shortly after that battle. Smith was called “Baldy” in the army, although his head was not completely clear of hair.

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Medium 9781574412680

Chapter 3 “I’m shot, sure as hell”

Bob Alexander University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter 3

“I’m shot, sure as hell”

The morning of July 12, 1874, found Major John B. Jones and his permanently assigned escort detachment in the broken and hilly country northeast of old Fort Belknap, then abandoned, near present day

Graham, Texas.1 Fortuitously they were not the only band of heavily armed horsemen in the sparsely settled frontier neighborhood. In fact, the region was literally crawling with competing cavalries.

The Frontier Battalion commander had managed the arduous overland journey to look over the tactically placed encampment of

Captain George W. Stevens’ Company B. The Texas Ranger camp was in reasonably close proximity to Fort Sill and the loosely superintended tribal reservations in Indian Territory. Known members of

Major Jones’ escort detachment from Company D were John P. Holmes, D. Ross James, William W. Lewis, Horatio Grooms Lee, Walter

M. Robertson, John V. Wheeler, and Edward B. “Ed” Carnal. Their ages averaged 22.8 years.2 Rangers Robertson and Carnal would later narrate in published accounts their experiences of what would become an adventurously harrowing and sad day. Supplementary commentary would be potted in unpublished ranger remembrances.

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Medium 9780253016713

1 Spatial Relationality: Theorizing Space and Sociality in Jewish-Arab “Mixed Towns”

Daniel Monterescu Indiana University Press ePub

In the Mediterranean, birthplace of the City-State, the State, whether it be inside or outside the city, always remains brutal and powerless, violent but weak, unifying but always undermined, under threat. . . . Every form of hegemony and homogeneity are refused in the Mediterranean. . . . The very idea of centrality is refused because each group, each entity, each religion and each culture considers itself a center. . . . The polyrhythmy of Mediterranean cities highlights their common character through their differences.

HENRI LEFEBVRE, “Rhythmanalysis of Mediterranean Cities”

The large-scale protest demonstrations staged by the Palestinian citizens of Israel throughout the country in the first two weeks of October 2000, now widely known as “the October 2000 events,” did not bypass Jaffa. For a few days in early October, Palestinian youngsters marched through the streets in solidarity with the casualties of the Al-Aqsa Intifada, destroying public symbols and state institutions including banks, post offices, and Jewish-owned stores.

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Medium 9780253355058

2 The Potential of Spatial Humanities

David J Bodenhamer Indiana University Press ePub


Space is everywhere, and its definitions are legion. We are inherently spatial beings: we live in a physical world and routinely use spatial concepts of distance and direction to navigate our way through it. But this routine and subconscious sense of space is not the one that engages us as humanists. We are drawn to issues of meaning, and space offers a way to understand fundamentally how we order our world. Here, contemporary notions of space are myriad: what once was a reference primarily to geographical space, with its longstanding categories of landscape and place, is now modified by class, capital, gender, and race, among other concepts, as an intellectual framework for understanding power and society in times near and distant. We recognize our representations of space as value-laden guides to the world as we perceive it, and we understand how they exist in constant tension with other representations from different places, at different times, and even at the same time. We acknowledge how past, present, and future conceptions of the world compete simultaneously within real and imagined spaces. We see space as the platform for multiplicity, a realm where all perspectives are particular and dependent upon experiences unique to an individual, a community, or a period of time.1 This complex and culturally relativistic view of space, the product of the last several decades, has reinvigorated geography as a discipline, just as it has engaged scholars within the humanities.

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Medium 9780253016461

4 Nineteenth-Century Racial Myths and the Familial Corruption of Cuban Whiteness

Karen Y. Morrison Indiana University Press ePub

Although he’s married and has children,
he maintains other women,
preferably those of color.
He has corrupted more young women
than he has hairs on his head.

—Cirilo Villaverde, Cecilia Valdés, 1881

The nineteenth-century novel Cecilia Valdés by Cirilo Villaverde (1802–1894) is a classic of Cuban literature that paints a picture of a society shaped by slavery and deformed by the meanings of race created within it. Its eponymous heroine, a very fair yet racially mixed woman, is subjugated by her own ill-fated attempt to “whiten” her way out of a repressive racial hierarchy. She becomes the lover of the white creole son of a wealthy Spanish slave trader and bears his daughter. Unbeknownst to her, her lover is also her half-brother and the heir to their father’s fortune. She, on the other hand, is an unacknowledged bastard relegated to life on the social margins, with her only family being her mulatta maternal grandmother who raised her. Cecilia rebuffs the attentions of her estranged father who does not reveal his true relation to her. In the above quote, Cecilia describes him as a notorious womanizer, known for his inappropriate and destructive interactions with black and mulatta women.1

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Medium 9781574415025

17. Frontier Ranching, Congressional Accolades, and Redemption

Robert W. Lull University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter Seventeen

Frontier Ranching,

Congressional Accolades, and Redemption


illiams found opportunity in southern Colorado. He selected a site on the Santa Fe Trail, along the Purgatory River (also called Las Animas), about five miles northeast of the village of Trinidad. Trinidad was the gateway to the imposing Raton Pass through the Sangre de Christo Mountains separating Colorado from New Mexico. The constant flow of settlers along the Santa Fe Trail passed Williams’ new home en route through the pass. The place where he settled became the village of El Moro, in Las Animas County.

The Purgatory River, on which Williams established himself and his family, had a name which was an ominous herald of southwest-bound settlers coming trip through the mountains. Its full name was “El Rio de las Animas

Perdidas en Purgatorio,” translated, “The River of Lost Souls in Purgatory”—a name dating back to the days of New Spain. The Spanish sent an infantry regiment from Santa Fe to link New Spain (New Mexico) to Spanish Florida. The regiment started late and wintered over at the present site of Trinidad. With the arrival of spring, the regiment set out on its journey, leaving all its camp followers (including women, children, and some men) behind. The Spanish soldiers, following a stream into a canyon, marched around a bend and out of sight, never to be seen or heard of again. Over time, with the advent of

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Medium 9781574414998

Chapter 2. John E. McBride and Conrad E. Mortimer,1877

Bob Alexander University of North Texas Press PDF


Chapter 2

Chapter 2

John E. McBride and Conrad E. Mortimer


Th e earthly life of Texas Ranger Sonny Smith had been snuff ed out near one end of Lucifer’s Line. For this narrative the geographical setting moves upstream to an arena just as wild and woolly, but much farther removed from the Texas seat of government. As the story unfolds in El Paso County it will not go unnoticed that this isolation from legislative hallways and the governor’s offi ce contributed to brouhaha of epic proportion in the writings of history, even for

Texas. Hard truths about the El Paso Salt War are readily retrievable and often misunderstood. Misinterpreting or manipulating or massaging facts is not a rare practice for agenda-driven scribes. Optimistically this try at recounting Ranger McBride’s and Mortimer’s journey along Lucifer’s Line will set fi rmly the pilings of historical transparency.

Ambitiously El Paso County—in the fi rst instance—had been one of four surveys lopping off land when Texas claimed a boundary stretching to headwaters of the Rio Grande in Colorado. Ultimately a compromise was reached ceding the two northernmost subdivisions and the boundary line readjusted so that El Paso County, as it does today, is bordered by the country of Mexico and the state of New

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Medium 9781623491109

6. Building the Ranch House (Lake House), 1854

Margaret Lewis Furse Texas A&M University Press ePub

Chapter 6


James B. Hawkins presented an impressive piece of news to the North Carolina family on January 12, 1854. To his mother-in-law he wrote: “I am very busy sawing out lumber for her [Ariella’s] Lake Auston House. She is going to put up a large and splendid building and I hope after it is finished to have you to live with us. I think we will make a pretty place of it.” By March 22, 1854, J.B. reported to Major Archibald Alston that the framing of the house was up.

We will complete the frame of my Lake House this week. It is three stories high with nine rooms and cross passages and galleries all around with a large closet to every room and every room has a fire place. It will be a star house when completed. The sawmill makes lumber very fast. We are up to our shoulders in work with our different works to keep them all going as they ought to go.1

Ariella’s diplomatic husband refers to the house as his wife’s when he writes to her mother, but when he writes Major Arch, it becomes “my Lake House.” J. B. Hawkins selected the location for the house and to a large extent oversaw the construction himself. He had the help of a master carpenter and the skilled craftsmen among the plantation’s slave workforce. He supervised sawing the lumber cut from trees on his own Caney bottom land. The flooring wood in the house was ash. Some of the larger structural supporting timbers still had evidence of the bark. Even today, the marks of an adze are evident on some heavier beams, and nails in use had square heads. The house was certainly made from a detailed plan, but who drew the plan is still a mystery, although there are grounds for speculation.2

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Medium 9781574416558

“Greater Love. . .” (by George N. Oliver (the Rabbi) 1923–2002 of Tyler, as told to F. E. Abernethy). Both Sides of the Border: A Scattering of Texas Folklore, PTFS LXI, 2004

Edited by Kenneth L. Untiedt and Kira E. Mort University of North Texas Press PDF

Greater Love . . .

[by George N. Oliver (the Rabbi) 1923–2002 of Tyler, as told to F. E. Abernethy]


We called him “Rabbi” ironically, probably because he could be so outrageously disorderly and unrabbinical. His name was George

Oliver, and he was among the veterans who returned from World

War II to the Stephen F. Austin State College campus on the

G. I. Bill in 1946. He had been in the 169th Infantry, C Company,

43rd Division and had fought up the islands from New Guinea to the Philippines. George and I lived together in old army barracks that had been moved onto the campus to house students. We called it “The Old Folks Home,” and it was a den of iniquity.

The Rabbi was one of the wildest, drinkin’est, fightin’est characters I have ever known, and we bonded early when we were thrown in jail together on one of our sprees. But the Rabbi changed. He married a good woman and he became a schoolteacher. He taught at a junior college and in one of the Texas prison units. And he got religion and became a lay preacher. And every one of us who knew him in The Old Folks Home continued to be amazed at his metamorphosis.

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Medium 9780253020666

2 A Colonial Cronos

Ch. Didier Gondola Indiana University Press ePub

2   A Colonial Cronos

Le rêve de ma vie est d’élever les populations dont j’ai la charge. J’ai supprimé les guerres entre tribus, arrêté les invasions, expulsé les trafiquants de chair humaine, mis fin à la traite, empêché l’alcool d’empoisonner le coeur de l’Afrique, fait la guerre à l’anthropophagie, aux poisons d’épreuve, à toutes les coutumes qui déshonorent l’humanité. Maintenant que la pacification est terminée, et que les difficultés du début sont vaincues, je voudrais chercher à relever mes noirs, à les élever peu à peu à la hauteur de notre civilisation, si possible.1

Leopold II of Belgium (quoted in Mille 1913: vii)

IN 1922, A YEAR BEFORE Kinshasa became capital of the colony, Belgian journalist Pierre Daye visited the city to fulfill an assignment he had received from the Belgian newspaper Le Soir to report on the progress of Belgian colonialism in Congo. Daye, a globe-trotting reporter who may have inspired Hergé’s Tintin au Congo,2 marveled at the hustle and bustle of the Belgian tropical Klondike in a way that could not be more revealing. His was a tale of two cities, since his encounter with Kinshasa’s mirror city, Brazzaville, on the other side of Malebo Pool, had left him utterly unimpressed. “My feeling upon arriving in Kinshasa,” he rhapsodized, “could be best described as ‘une impression d’américanisme’” (Daye 1923: 159)—a hyperbolic trope that Kinshasa’s youths would appropriate in the 1950s to re-create their own version of the Hollywoodized American Far West. “People live [here] with intensity,” Daye marveled, “They are Americans.” Then, he continued:

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Medium 9781574412000

Chapter Nine: Joe Sherman

John R. Erickson University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter Nine: Joe Sherman


istory has cast a bright light on Cynthia Ann Parker and Martha

Sherman, but has had very little to say about the two-year old boy who stood in the rain that horrible day in November 1860, watching as his father tied a rag around the scalped head of his dying mother.

Joe Sherman seems to have been a shadowy figure from the very beginning, a man who moved through life like a coyote, casting backward glances to see if he was being followed. Though he qualified as a genuine Texas frontiersman and pioneer, he made no effort to record his adventures and seemed content to take his past with him to the grave, leaving it to others to write the history books and figure out who he was, if that’s what they wanted to do. If he ever bothered to write a memoir, my branch of the family never saw evidence of such. It has taken me forty years to assemble a hazy pattern of where he was and what he did—family stories, bits of stories, county records, newspaper

files, and a reference here and there in a book. And I’m sure that’s the way he wanted it. My cousin Mike Harter, a historian by training, helped

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Medium 9781574411614

Appendix 16 • New York Herald coverage of Crook's Big Horn and Yellowstone Expedition New York Herald

Edited and Annotated by Charles M. Robinson III University of North Texas Press PDF

Appendix 16


New York

York Herald

Herald c0verage of Crook's

Big Horn and Yellowstone Expedition

Reprinted below are Reuben Davenport’s account of the Battle of the Rosebud, and the New York Herald editorial, that Bourke mentioned so derisively in his diary. The Herald bluntly suggested that Crook had been defeated, pointing out that he had been stalled and forced back to Goose Creek, while the Lakotas retained complete freedom of movement. Crook was furious. He expected correspondents to earn their keep by representing his views, and the contention that the Rosebud could be anything other than total victory was unforgivable. Davenport was ostracized, and the other correspondents, eager to maintain their “insider” status with

Crook, took his side against their colleague.

Davenport’s dispatch on the Rosebud Fight

New York Herald, July 6, 1876, reprinted in Jerome Green,

Battles and Skirmishes of the Great Sioux War, 1876-1877:

The Military View, 26-40.

Three days ago the first fight of the campaign against the Sioux in this military department took place. The fighting column marched from the camp, situated at the fork of Goose Creek, on June 16, accompanied by the 250 Indian auxiliaries who had arrived on the preceding day, and numbered about 1,300 men. The infantry were mounted upon mules borrowed from the pack trains. Twenty mounted packers were also allowed to go, and carried carbines.

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Medium 9780253018632

The Problem of Citizenship, the Question of Crime, and the Origins of the Civil Rights Movement

IU Press Journals Indiana University Press ePub

a review of Khalil Gibran Muhammad’s Condemnation of Blackness: Race, Crime, and the Making of Modern Urban America (2011)

Michael Ralph

RUTHIE GILMORE, THE geographer and social theorist, once began a public lecture by noting, “There is one black man serving a term in the White House, and about one million black men serving terms in the big house . . .” Gilmore’s clever quip partly serves to deter the facile notion that the election of Barack Hussein Obama as the 44th President of the United States in 2008 was a uniform triumph for all African Americans. But Gilmore is likewise suggesting that statistics on race and crime have become a way to avoid engaging with the economic and political conditions that have given rise to what many now call the “prison boom” during the latter part of the twentieth century. Several scholars have noted that, relative to white Americans, African Americans are now incarcerated at nearly twice the rate during the era of legalized segregation. Fewer have explored the technologies of social differentiation that support these disparities. For these and other reasons, Khalil Gibran Muhammad’s Condemnation of Blackness: Race, Crime and the Making of Modern Urban America [hereafter Condemnation] is a welcome addition to the fields of criminology and the history of race in the United States, but also to American and African American histories more broadly, as well as the history of science. In taking seriously the crucial role that statistics have played in shaping protocols of social differentiation and inscribing economic and political hierarchies, Muhammad enriches several fields of inquiry simultaneously. Perhaps most notably, Condemnation of Blackness yields original scholarly conclusions about the problem of citizenship, the question of crime, and the origin of the Civil Rights Movement in U.S. history.

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